February 1, 2025 - 12:15pm

In December 1993, the Independent ran the headline “Anti-Soviet warrior puts his army on the road to peace”, alongside a photo of an amicable-looking Osama bin Laden. The near-comical way this artefact of former public opinion has aged is a cautionary tale about the errors of assuming that the enemies of your enemies will always be your friends.

The ramifications of this misjudgement have of course not been forgotten. And so when, almost 31 years to the day after that headline was run, President Bashar al-Assad was chased out of Syria by a military coalition led by former jihadists, any joy surrounding the end of the old regime was tempered by trepidation about the new rulers, and what direction they would choose for the country.

Ahmed al-Sharaa, the leader of the group — Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) — which has since taken charge of the state, founded the Al-Qaeda affiliate Jabhat al-Nusra in 2013. After finding the project of global jihad not to his liking, he split with Al-Qaeda in 2016 and downgraded his group’s ideology to plain old Islamism. Sharaa was this week declared Syria’s new president at a closed conference, where the dissolution of Syria’s 2012 Ba’athist constitution and the Ba’ath Party was also announced.

While HTS governed Idlib province between 2017 and 2024 with a repressive Sharia state apparatus, this zealotry appears to have been abandoned since the group assumed power.  There has been visible outreach to minority communities including Christians, Alawites and Druze to reassure them of their safety. The burning of a Christmas tree in December by rogue actors was condemned by a HTS spokesperson, and a subsequent protest by Christians went ahead unopposed by the authorities. Women are not being forcibly veiled. On New Year’s Eve, crowds of young men and women danced together at techno concerts in Damascus. Sharaa’s efforts to recast himself as a democrat may be met with warranted scepticism, but his outfit is a far cry from the Taliban.

However, even if Sharaa really has become a pragmatic statesman, there are still hardliners and unsavoury individuals within his governing coalition, including close allies. For instance, Shadi al-Waisi, the interim Minister of Justice, has been identified in videos from 2015 overseeing the public executions of two women accused of prostitution. HTS official spokesperson Obaida Arnaout, during a revealing interview in December with a Lebanese television channel on the role of women in post-war Syria, stated that “the woman has her biological and psychological nature and has her uniqueness and composition that must necessarily align with certain tasks.”

How far Sharaa will be able to balance the expectations of the international community and largely secular Syrian public with those of his Islamist allies remains to be seen. Concerns around the latter’s outsized influence emerged last month, after unilateral changes were made to school textbooks by the interim Ministry of Education, giving their content a more Islamic slant. While these changes are hardly surprising under an Islamist regime, they may be a harbinger of what is to come with the drafting of a new constitution, which Sharaa has indicated will be the responsibility of a legal committee. Syria’s vulnerability to theocracy will depend on the influence of hardliners within this process.

Before this happens, though, institutions must be built, refugees returned and stability maintained. The amnesty offered to former Ba’ath Party members and troops by HTS is encouraging. However, recent reports of executions of former regime soldiers by what appear to be rogue militias, as well as an ambush on Interior Ministry troops by Assad loyalists in December, cast doubt on the interim government’s ability to prevent a repeat of Iraq’s descent into post-dictatorship sectarian violence. The prevalence of guns, grievances and fear among the population makes this a serious possibility.

It is early days yet, and there are many things that could go wrong for a democratic transition in a sectarian landscape with a post-jihadist government. But so far in Syria, it seems like pragmatism is trumping puritanism — and even if the latter is closer than might be ideal, there are surely worse reasons to have hope.


Patrick Hess is a London-based writer who covers politics, culture and international relations.