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Why Putin is no Hitler The Ukraine invasion isn't a replay of the Second World War

Biden remains cool-headed amid apocalyptic Washington. Credit: Peter Klaunzer/Pool/Keystone/Getty

Biden remains cool-headed amid apocalyptic Washington. Credit: Peter Klaunzer/Pool/Keystone/Getty


February 26, 2022   5 mins

Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine is a barbarity. It is also an act of futility. That is not how many in Washington see it, and even Republicans who have become sceptical of foreign intervention may be shocked into thinking that Putin can succeed. But the history of his nation, and ours, says otherwise.

Certain reflexes remain irresistible in Washington, not only among politicians but in the media, too. One of these is a tendency to see every conflict as a new Second World War. Another is to believe that sufficient force and “resolve” can achieve any objective, whether that is our objectives in Iraq or Afghanistan or Vladimir Putin’s objectives in Ukraine. And a third is the habit of regarding those who fail to fall in line during times of crisis as traitors, appeasers, or the useful idiots of America’s enemies.

These reflexes have been on full display with the crisis in Ukraine. “This is Sudetenland,” House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said of Russia’s attempt to justify its war as a defence of separatist “republics” in Luhansk and Donetsk. It is a grave act of aggression, certainly; but great power irredentism has other precedents besides those of Nazi Germany.

Automatically comparing every crisis with the Second World War is a dangerous habit. It’s a reflex that helped stampede the United States into a needless war in the Middle East 20 years ago. Iraq was an “Islamo-fascist” dictatorship with “weapons of mass destruction”, a threat on par with a nuclear Nazi Germany. Most of America’s policy and media elite bought into the idiotic idea, with disastrous consequences — most of all for the people of Iraq.

Putin’s Russia is a much more serious threat than Saddam’s Iraq. But it’s a new menace, not another Nazi Germany. So President Biden deserves credit for refraining from hyperbole in his remarks this week. He rightly noted — with Cold War lessons and perhaps with America’s own rueful experience in Afghanistan in mind — that “history has shown time and again how swift gains and territory eventually give way to grinding occupations, acts of mass civil disobedience, and strategic dead ends”.

Biden was then asked whether Putin’s ambitions extended beyond Ukraine, and whether nuclear war was a possibility. Would Putin attack Nato countries — and was the United States ready to fight? While Biden’s answers were measured, the questions show the apocalyptic mindset that the Washington media easily slips into. It’s a mentality that many an ideologue or vested interest is ready to exploit — for arms sales, energy deals, or domestic political advantage. The latter can be seen in the way that liberals and NeverTrump pundits have used the crisis as an opportunity to question the patriotism of conservatives.

“Dear media: Ask Republicans why they are normalizing support for Putin,” the Washington Post’s Jennifer Rubin implored. Lawrence Tribe of Harvard Law School went considerably further, suggesting that certain conservatives and Fox News pundits urging the US to get more deeply involved in the Ukraine-Russia conflict might be guilty of treason.

“Led by Fox News Channel’s Tucker Carlson, the GOP’s Trump wing appears to be throwing its weight behind Putin. If Putin opts to wage war on our ally, Ukraine, such ‘aid and comfort’ to an ‘enemy’ would appear to become ‘treason’ as defined by Article IIl of the U.S. Constitution,” Tribe wrote in a since-deleted tweet.

An editorial in the Kansas City Star likewise claimed that Missouri Sen. Josh Hawley “has clearly provided aid and comfort to Putin and hard-liners in Russia”. As the article acknowledged, Hawley has stated that “America has an interest in Ukraine’s independence and territorial integrity. And we have a strong interest in deterring Russian adventurism.” But because Hawley does not believe Ukraine should be part of NATO or that America should “fight Russia over Ukraine’s future”, he is morally libelled in the language of treason.

In the run-up to the invasion of Iraq in 2003, those who doubted the wisdom of George W. Bush’s war were subjected to similar obloquy. Then as now, conservatives counseling restraint were denounced as less than truly American. Today Tucker Carlson is the enemy of all right-thinking votaries of liberal democracy. Twenty years ago conservative columnists like Pat Buchanan and Robert Novak were the enemy, branded by David Frum as “unpatriotic conservatives” in the pages of National Review on the eve of the Iraq conflict.

This narrowing of American political discourse did not wind up doing the Iraqis or Afghans any favors two decades ago, and it is not doing the Ukrainians any favours today. Now, as then, there is a need for something other than Washington’s reflexive apocalypticism. Realism, cool-headedness, and scepticism are more important than ever in a time of emergency. This is not the moment for Republicans, in particular, to discard the hard-won wisdom of the last two decades, purchased at great price after the follies of Iraq and Afghanistan.

Far from being unpatriotic, many on the right who insists on clear limits to America’s commitments to Ukraine (and to Nato) are in the best tradition of their party’s foreign policy — and America’s too. Republican realism was in fact the most successful of America’s Cold War strategic philosophies, and it merits a revival in the face of Putin’s challenge.

During the Cold War, Republicans and Democrats alike understood that America could not solve every crisis. When the Soviet Union invaded Hungary in 1956, and again when the Soviets used Warsaw Pact forces against Czechoslovakia in 1968, American leaders acknowledged there was little they could do. That did not mean the West was weak, and it certainly did not bespeak a moral indifference to the suffering of the Czechs, Slovaks, and Hungarians. The West simply knew that it was not all-powerful, and it had a strategy to follow regardless of whatever new abuses the Soviets perpetrated.

And even worse crimes than those of the Soviets did not prevent Republicans from engaging in necessary and successful diplomacy, as when Richard Nixon aligned the United States with the People’s Republic of China in order to drive a wedge between the world’s two major Communist powers. In the Eighties, Ronald Reagan was willing to work with Mikhail Gorbachev (a far less bloody tyrant than Mao Zedong) to bring the Cold War to a peaceful close, even as some neoconservatives excoriated him for negotiating with what the President himself had dubbed the “evil empire”.

Even George H.W. Bush, who was not averse to foreign adventurism, was guided by sober realism in his actions toward the Soviet Union in its final months. In August 1991, Bush warned Ukrainians to proceed cautiously in contemplating independence from the Soviet Union. Writing in the New York Times, the neoconservative and former Nixon speechwriter William Safire damned Bush for his “Chicken Kiev” speech.

But for once, Bush was right: his words did not dissuade the Ukrainians from declaring their independence from Moscow. But they did minimise the risk that the United States would be perceived as engineering the USSR’s dissolution. A speech that would have pleased Safire would have jeopardised Ukraine, and the entire process of the Soviet Union’s mostly non-violent decomposition.

With China looming as the century’s greatest challenge, Americans must be wiser than they have been in the past two decades. Just as we discovered our limitations in the projects we attempted in Iraq and Afghanistan, we have good reason to believe that Vladimir Putin will meet a defeat of his own making in Ukraine. Russia is much more than Putin — it is a great power that will never disappear from the earth, and one that may never be altogether benign toward its neighbours. The Ukrainians deserve the freedom that they claimed for themselves in 1991, and the West’s horror at Putin’s aggression is righteous.

Yet we must be not only good, but wise, if we want to help the Ukrainians and ensure that Russia does not become a greater and deadlier North Korea. Only realism, and confidence in the enduring power of nations, will lead us to make better decisions than those our leaders have made since the Cold War ended.


Daniel McCarthy is the editor of Modern Age: A Conservative Review

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James Joyce
James Joyce
2 years ago

I find this essay lacks focus, a bit rambling, though I seem to agree with much of it.
I think it was Churchill who said “England does not have allies; England has interests” or something close, and I believe that is wise.
I condemn without reservation Putin’s invasion. But I also understand–from Putin’s point of view–why he did it: he himself as a czar, he views Russia as a great empire, and he feels threatened by NATO’s creeping expansion on his border, in his sphere of influence.
Cuban Missile Crisis? What if Mexico wanted to join the Warsaw Pact? Didn’t Reagan go crazy in the 80s when the US “feared” creeping communism in that great military power El Salvador, and perhaps other Central American banana republics?
This invasion was entirely predictable. It did not happen overnight, it happened over decades, and the US and the West was pathetically outplayed by a true master. Europe should stop licking American boots, especially under senile Biden, and champion European interests.

Last edited 2 years ago by James Joyce
Giles Chance
Giles Chance
2 years ago
Reply to  James Joyce

Britain should certainly stop “licking American boots”, but Britain – Great Britain – should champion British interests (and European ones, too, if they make sense – some do not).

James Joyce
James Joyce
2 years ago
Reply to  Giles Chance

Capital idea. Britain has interest, not allies….

Brian Villanueva
Brian Villanueva
2 years ago
Reply to  James Joyce

Your example of Mexico is actually pretty close to the mark. The last straw that forced America into WWI was Germany offering a military alliance with Mexico (the Zommierman telegram). A hostile Mexico sharing a 1500 mile land border with us was an existential threat. So we declared war on Germany.

What’s odd is that our own leaders are unable to see Russia’s motivations despite the transparency to many of their subjects.

Giles Chance
Giles Chance
2 years ago
Reply to  James Joyce

By the way. It wasn’t Churchill. It was Lord Palmerston – former British Foreign Secretary, who pursued the First Opium War in 1840, against much internal opposition. Palmerston died on a billard table in a friend’s house, on top of one of the female servants. Over 80 years old. Would that we could all leave this world in similar fashion.

James Joyce
James Joyce
2 years ago

Can we focus a bit on Prof. Tribe, who vast and unsurpassed legal scholarship suggests that some Americans who back Russia are guilty of treason? How does this even pass the laugh test, Learned Scholar? Pray tell?
Treason carries the death penalty in the US. Yes, Gentle Western Readers, the death penalty is a real thing in the US. Isn’t Learned Professor Tribe, in essence, calling for the death penalty for those he with the temerity to disagree with him? How enlightened! Criminalise political disagreement and subject the enemies of the people to the death penalty.
This is, apparently, what is taught at Harvard Law School, the woke factory that produces Supreme Court justices.

Giles Chance
Giles Chance
2 years ago
Reply to  James Joyce

I don’t think you can blame Harvard Law School for Prof Tribe. Why not just blame Prof Tribe for Prof Tribe ? His statement (now there is “unhinged” for you ) marks him as one of the minority million redneck American “conservatives”, from whom the Lord preserve us, and preserve our civilisation. One of the arguments for dropping a nuclear bomb on America is that it would vaporise people like Prof Tribe. Perhaps Boston, Mass. would be a good place to drop it.

James Joyce
James Joyce
2 years ago
Reply to  Giles Chance

I think it’s both. Tribe is completely self-absorbed, believing only in his own greatness, and Harvard enables this tosh.

Giles Chance
Giles Chance
2 years ago

Comparisons of the attack on Ukraine with events 1936-1939 leading up to WW2 attempt to draw on a deep well of sentiment about WW2, notably, “the good guys won in the end”. The writer is entirely correct to state that this comparison is unhelpful, because it awakens aggressive feelings which are not relevant. although they make conservatives feel much better. Instead, Putin’s attack is a powerful statement on the world we live in, notably America’s lack of statesmanship since the collapse of the Soviet system in 1990, and the fact that the United States no longer runs the world.

Dominic A
Dominic A
2 years ago

Swap ‘women’ for ‘The West’, and Putin emerges as a kind of high- functioning incel; now in the endgame phase, taking to the streets where the people who ‘ humiliated’ him live.

Last edited 2 years ago by Dominic A
Bernard Hill
Bernard Hill
2 years ago

Tim Black at Spiked, has posted a good essay on the West’s missed opportunity in the early 90’s, to rest the post war security arrangements. As usual the self interest of the self perpetuating administrative state prevailed.

N T
N T
2 years ago

I think the “Keep your eye on the ball,” the ball being China may or may not be good advice, but how does one apply it to Taiwan?

Ian Stewart
Ian Stewart
2 years ago

Another article that has quickly passed its sell by date due to events.
Putin is no Hitler?
He’s used ancient history of civilisation to justify his takeover – just like Hitler.
He’s threatened the world with nuclear conflagration – I’m pretty sure Hitler would have used nuclear weapons if he’d had them.
And he parades his power with symbols (long tables, submissive cabinet).
And he makes unhinged speeches that remind one of Hitler’s phlegm specked oratory.