A self-made man. Val Wilmer/Redferns.

The American birthright entails both the freedom and often times the necessity of making yourself up from scratch. Many of America’s most famous heroes were self-made men, from Benjamin Franklin to Andrew Jackson and Abraham Lincoln. The same is true for the protagonists of America’s best-loved tales, from Huckleberry Finn to Jay Gatsby. Where Europeans defined themselves, both individually and collectively, through bloodlines and attachment to the soil, Americans defined themselves through a shared freedom from the past and an accompanying licence to roam.
Where Americans were born and who their parents are has always been much less important than how they greeted the present moment, with one eye fixed on the road ahead and the other on the stars. Walt Whitman’s great “Song of Myself”, written in 1855 and unfolding over 52 stanzas, including accounts of sea battles and slavery, mentions not a single word about the speaker’s parents, or even what their names were.
Whitman’s Leaves of Grass, in which “Song of Myself” is contained, is the fountainhead of American poetics, particularly in the 20th century. Its distinctive echo can be heard everywhere after the Second World War, from the Beats to the novels of Saul Bellow, to the highbrow confessional poems of John Berryman and Frank O’Hara. In Rock and Roll music, Whitman’s greatest late 20th-century heir was undoubtedly Bob Dylan, who eerily reproduced both Whitman’s continent-spanning metre and his love of playful self-contradiction. Try reading nearly anything Whitman wrote in Dylan’s distinctive nasal tone, and the kinship will be plain.
James Mangold’s A Complete Unknown is merely the latest of a series of films that have attempted to grapple with the sometimes gratifying, often alienating mixture of freedom and vertigo inherent in the American birthright through the character of the man from nowhere. If the bright side of this character can be glimpsed in Benjamin Franklin’s autobiography, arguably the founding work of American literature, in Whitman’s all-embracing cosmic self, and in the rags-to-riches tales of Horatio Alger, the darkness that can accompany freedom from the past isn’t hard to find either. Natty Bumppo, the frontiersman-killer of James Fennimore Cooper’s Leatherstocking Tales, is the precursor to the ambivalent killer-hero of nearly every Western. Jay Gatsby’s invented self is ultimately more loyal and virtuous than the Long Island snobs who attend his glittering parties; it is also lie that ends in death.
The character of Bob Dylan, the boy who ostensibly learned to play music from circus performers passing through Hibbing, Minnesota and then re-named himself after the Welsh poet Dylan Thomas (a fact that Dylan strenuously denied for years before admitting to in his charming autobiography Chronicles) was more or less fully-fashioned even before the young performer set off to New York City to find Woody Guthrie and set the often drearily earnest world of American folk music on its ear. America has never really known Robert Zimmerman, the man who invented Bob Dylan. It has only known Bob Dylan.
So why did the 19-year-old Zimmerman choose to become Dylan? The answer, as he told 60 Minutes interviewer Ed Bradley 20 years ago, was because those are the rules of American selfhood. “You call yourself what you want to call yourself,” Dylan responded. “This is the land of the free.”
Dylan’s self-invented character of a punk Woody Guthrie, or as a rock and roll Walt Whitman, was wildly influential in his moment, for reasons that take a moment to recover. Meanwhile, his best songs have lost none of their immediacy. Working in the genre of “original folk music” that he more or less invented, he set the rules for rock songwriting for the next half century while writing two or three dozen major and minor classics that uniquely merited the awarding of a Nobel Prize for Literature, despite the formal and functional gulf that separates song lyrics from novels and poetry.
The rules of a “Dylan song” have remained remarkably consistent over time, bringing together the worlds of Woody Guthrie, hipster downtown New York, American roots music, the blues, country and western, into a kind of primordial soup that Dylan could dip his brush into at will; he created deceptively off-hand-seeming compositions governed by a rueful romanticism and a bullet-proof intelligence that twists and turns like a fish in order to avoid being caught.
It is also true that the alchemy by which singer-songwriters (itself an invention of the Sixties) do their thing tends to produce a period of startling peak creativity that lasts perhaps five years, often precluding the possibility of a second act. The Beatles produced all their great records within five years, as did the Rolling Stones. Jimi Hendrix’s entire career lasted four years, as did Kurt Cobain’s.
For artists who survive their creative peak, the reward is often an afterlife with lesser access to the divine. Part of Dylan’s spectacular self-awareness, which has only rarely faltered, is that he recognised the departure of the spirit much sooner than most; he never insisted that his newer songs were actually his best work. “I don’t know how I got to write those songs,” he admitted to Ed Bradley, of the classics he penned at his peak. “It’s a penetrating type of a magic, and I did it at one time.”
What’s left now, apart from the songs, is the distinctive voice, along with a repertoire of feints and dodges mixed with the occasional lip-curling hipster put-down. Onstage these days, the songwriter is often a gnomic shell, appearing to follow an internal logic by which he makes sense of himself to himself. Whatever those dialogues may be about, one suspects that the “real Bob Dylan” — whatever that means — of the singer’s youth was more sharper-edged and predatory than Timothée Chalamet’s cuddly, doe-eyed portrayal.
Still, Chalamet gets the look and the gestures right. He also nicely conveys the capacity for menace that the self-made man inherently contains. After all, if a person invents themselves from scratch, discarding their flesh-and-blood parents and origins in favour of their own self-invented mythos, then how much is that person likely to care about you? Not much. In his portrayal, Chalamet is notably faithful to the first and greatest portrayal of the character of Bob Dylan on film, which was by Bob Dylan himself, in D. A. Pennebaker’s documentary Don’t Look Back — which smartly allowed Dylan to do the work of explaining himself. By contrast, I’m Not There, an annoying film by the supremely surface-orientated director Todd Haynes, a master of a colder type of irony, swallows the Dylan mythology whole, as some kind of sacrament of modern American selfhood — without understanding or explaining why that should be true, apart from the multiplicity and seeming discontinuities in the pop star’s character, which Haynes implies should each be respected individually, like a family of distinguished drag queens.
What Haynes misses, and Pennebaker viscerally understood — and Mangold clearly intimates, without wanting to emphasise it too strongly — is that Dylan, in both his music and his persona, found himself at the centre of the great intergenerational battle of the Sixties over the American gospel of individualism. For Dylan, the young man from Hibbing, the self that he invented out of his own materials was at once an entirely personal creation and at the same time represented his connection to a shared vision of America. He was a distinctly American individualist, just as Whitman was, and most great American-born artists are.
The materials he chose to work from were coded in ways that the young Dylan didn’t entirely recognise, though. Woody Guthrie wasn’t just a great American songwriter who spoke and sang in his own half-invented popular. The way that the young Robert Zimmerman might have imagined him. He was also a member of the Communist Party, which had its own uses for Guthrie’s persona and his art. The same was true of the parents of Dylan’s Greenwich Village girlfriend, Suze Rotolo, who Dylan credited with educating him about racial discrimination and labour politics and other subjects that the young singer-songwriter professed to “not know much about”. While the great folk archivist Alan Lomax, whose materials became Dylan’s, was not a Communist, he was undoubtedly a preservationist who saw folk music not as raw material to be mined and re-mixed by a future rock and roll Whitman, but the rightful property of the oppressed.
In other words, as Mangold does a good job of showing, the American Left, centred around the Communist Party, used folk music as a cultural banner, and as a political instrument — and they were right to feel that Bob Dylan had used them, and scorned them. Or to put it in a way more partial to Dylan, the young singer-songwriter took the folk tradition that they had co-opted in the service of their version of Cold War politics and put it back into the place it belonged, which was music. Dylan’s sin was never simply going electric. It was in putting art above politics.
In doing so, Dylan turned his back on the certainties of Leftist politics in order to more fully become what he wanted to be in the first place, which was himself. Aside from being a singer-songwriter, who that person was was entirely his own business. “I’m a song-and-dance man,” he once told a press conference at the height of the mania surrounding his decision to become a rock and roll artist and release “Like a Rolling Stone”, “Baby Blue” and “Visions of Johanna”, instead of additional helpings of Leadbelly covers. Neither Dylan nor the gathered reporters seemed able to disguise their glee at the proposition that he could simply make music, free of politics or the demands of being a prophet. “Elvis, I could easily see myself as him,” Dylan mused more than once. “But a prophet? Nah.”
It is only fair to Bob Dylan, the man, however self-made, to acknowledge how much the decision to break free from the heavily politicised aesthetics of the American Left, and the expectations and demands that came with it, must have cost him, both as a human being and as an artist. The assertion of the greater truth of his own art over the demands of the collective must have been, in many dimensions, a never-ending nightmare. Such was the price of the creative freedom that he sought and gained.
Was it worth it? For Dylan and for America, the answer is yes. Dylan’s legendary Basement Tapes with the Band, which surfaced as a lost corpus of songs from somewhere deep in the American imagination, continue to speak to us now, as much as his albums from his creative peak do. The fact that he maintained his place in the national imagination up through his 80s, speaks to a personal strength that is uniquely visible now, and makes it possible for his music to be heard by a new generation. In an era in which cookie-cutter Leftist politics similarly declares its pre-eminence over the aesthetic whims of mere artists, whose job is to bend the knee and crank out Shepherd Fairey-like propaganda in the interests of the Party, Dylan’s struggle again resonates.
Dylan himself would most likely have as little interest in being portrayed as a refusenik against the demands of proto-wokism as he would in continuing to sing worker’s protest songs. He was more interested in being Elvis. Yet, his example feels especially potent now for the obvious reason that we are once again living in an age when the threats to the integrity of the self, and to artistic expression, from both the Left and Right are very obviously real, and it takes real courage to say no.
Dylan’s triumph in that fight was total. No one has ever been cooler than Bob Dylan, and no one since Walt Whitman wrote better lyrics that encompassed more of the American spirit. The folkies who wanted Dylan to continue to play acoustic folk and demonstrate for CORE, and who saw albums like Blonde on Blonde or Blood on the Tracks as betrayals of the party line, are plainly ridiculous figures, even as their present-day kin are easy to spot.
For those who knew Dylan, and who in one way or another had reason to see themselves as his peers, Dylan continues to represent the highest mountain in their American songwriting. Jimmy Webb, the great American songwriter, told me once of meeting Dylan at a party, whereupon Dylan pulled out a guitar and played Jimmy his version of “Wichita Lineman”, a Jimmy Webb song that could have also perhaps have been written by Dylan. When he was done, he looked at Webb expectantly. “What, now I’m supposed to play you one of your songs?” Webb shot back.
It’s weird to think that at 83, Bob Dylan is as relevant as ever to the country that gave him the freedom to invent himself. But it’s plainly true. That’s because America remained his greatest inspiration, and the place in the mind where he was always most at home. As he explained it, obliquely, in a long poem he wrote upon the death of his hero:
“You can touch and twist
And turn two kinds of doorknobs
You can either go to the church of your choice
Or you can go to Brooklyn State Hospital
You’ll find God in the church of your choice
You’ll find Woody Guthrie in Brooklyn State Hospital
And though it’s only my opinion
I may be right or wrong
You’ll find them both
In the Grand Canyon
At sundown”
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SubscribeA good analysis of why Johnson can afford to make quite a few mistakes.
I find it amazing that the MSM still haven’t worked out why the fishing issue is important. Every time they bang on about it being just 0.1% of GDP, Boris wins more voters.
The naive left-facing media have at least mastered one thing – “shooting themselves in the foot” at every opportunity.
As for Labour, just take a look at Paul Embery’s excellent book “Despised …”
I agree. The MSM has turned out to be Johnson’s greatest asset. Every time they sneer they win more votes for the Conservatives. You wonder why the penny doesn’t ever seem to drop?
Boris has almost nothing in common with Trump except this: every time the Fake Noos Media plunge in the knife, he gets more support.
That is because thy do not know what a penny is, they only recognise large value paper.
I wonder what percentage of GDP the fishing industry in UK was, before it was destroyed by the EU and shared out among the French, Dutch. and Spanish? Must look it up one day.
I’ve just seen Paul Embery arguing with Lloyd Russell-Moyle and telling him over and over again that he personified the problem. And what did LRM retort: antisemitic! raci-st! These people are suicidal in the way they carry on.
Why exactly should we sacrifice do much for a trivial fraction of our GDP?
Most of the people I know that voted Brexit, did so to re-establish/guarantee long-term democratic control of the U.K. by the U.K. Parliament.
To them, the issue of whether fishings contribution to GDP was 0.1% or 10% is a secondary concern.
Their view is that the longer-term principle far outweighs shorter term hits to economic growth.
Sir keir stamer the champion of the working classes?
2nd referendum.
Knee taking.
Cheerleader for a anti Semitic 70s throwback.
A cabinet full of racists like lammey, butler, abbot, sultana etc
He is my mp and none of my friends will vote for him as he is just unappealing to us c2de,s (what an insult that is, like we’re 2nd class citizens)
What a nasty joke labour is
With opponents like that only Boris can ruin it for himself and so see what happens in about 2 years but hopes are not very high, it is boris
Andrew, all the points you raise are English nationalist / white-grievance identity politics – and some of them from a distorted viewpoint at that.
NHS treatment? – do you think real Tories care about that given that they have private health insurance?
Rights of employees at work? – real Tories hate them. They believe that the CEO is entitled to his 50% pay rise for ‘taking costs out of the system’ by slashing employees’ pensions and pushing as many of them as possible into outsourced roles.
Housing? – Jeremy Hunt MP bought five marina flats in one go as an investment.
Feeding hungry children during the school holidays? – Tories opposed it until Labour and Marcus Rashford shamed them into (yet another) U-turn.
Education? – 8% cut in spending per capita, after allowing for inflation, on the education of YOUR children. But not THEIR children, in schools whose fees have risen faster than inflation for decades and the schools compete on how much they can splurge to convince parents that theirs, rather than a competing private school, is the best school in the region.
No Deal Brexit – the penny will finally drop for the Nissan workers in Sunderland when the company announces that it has no future when tariffs on exported vehicles are higher than the profit margin, and the UK market can’t absorb enough of one or two models to make it viable.
But feel free to obsess about the Black Live Matter political movement (George Eustice is right about that) if you want.
Is it not possible to care about all these AND be patriotic, proud of British values, optimistic about our future, and all the things that make Boris appealing? To me Labour are just so naive and also so self conscious. They are not robust, they get bogged down with things that many people think are irrelevant. I just wish they were ‘better’ at putting forward a counter narrative. It’s not as if there isn’t enough ammunition. But somehow they manage to acheive zero cut through with the mass of the electorate. They need a personality beyond ‘earnest, well meaning but slightly whiny school teacher’
Boris’s problem, like all politicians, is that he isn’t what he’s pretending to be. At heart he’s a globalist corporate London-centric lefty of the kind despised by most of the country outside the m25. Luckily for him, so are all his political opponents, and he at least has the good sense to *pretend* to share our values and do it reasonably well most of the time
That’s a perceptive point. I always felt Boris is conservative with the truth (excuse the pun) but definitely socially liberal when it comes to his personal life.
The difference between him and the other liberals is that he really loves this country and wants it to prosper – mightily. He doesn’t suffer from the self loathing which drives them on, and he isn’t ashamed of British success. This is what people of all classes find congenial in him and want more of.
Let’s hope he (or someone) discovers a way to do some prospering. The neoliberal internationalism has been great for the prosperity of the corporations who back it, but the ‘working people’ who have benefitted most are in India, Korea, China, Mexico, and the other places where the corporations have ‘outsourced’ their manufacturing and production facilities.
The irony is that the neoliberal model has redistributed far more than 0.7% of Britain’s GDP, all to places with much lower standards of living than Britain!
As a cover for international redistribution the Conservative and Labour parties had the audacity to criminalise and insult the dispossessed workforce for being unemployed, they have turned British workers against each other by propagating the charge of fecklessness, the mendacious media and the dim politicians have had fun with that agitprop – a cultural revolution of brutality against one’s own reminiscent of communist China.
I honestly find it difficult to read Boris, he’s a bit of a chameleon to me. Maybe you’re right or maybe he’s just very good at putting on a facade. I think he does care for his place in history but I have never sensed he was a conviction politician like Thatcher, I guess unlike her, I can’t sense his moral core but others I’m sure have a different opinion.
Spot on!
A masterpiece of brevity coupled with accuracy. Bravo!
Whoa, wait a minute. What’s the basis for believing that Boris has a problem?
The Labour Party of old is dead. It no longer functions as any kind of opposition to the establishment and anybody with an oppositional attitude to the establishment left years ago. The political classes in Scotland most of whom found a natural home in The Labour Party have emigrated to the SNP or Greens. The purges against Corbyn and his acolytes has completed the process by which there is no effective or realistic opposition to the establishment within the democratic process. Under these circumstances populism is the only survivor. Johnson and his pals know this.
After the 2019 GE I can understand you thinking that. But if the 2017 election campaign had run another 3-4 weeks, then the way Theresa May was haemorrhaging support at over a percent per week we would have had Jeremy Corbyn in Number 10. Memories are short.
The single biggest contributor to the loss of Labour seats in the longer run was the SNP sweeping up Liberal and Labour support in Scotland. Quite the re-branding for what used to be thought of as the Tartan Tories!
Yeah. But that didn’t happen. What did happen happened. May won. Corbyn failed to beat Boris. Game over.
Quite so – if I poured treacle over my head, and if I put a cricket stump up my bottom, and if I went to fancy dress parties, I could go to one as a toffee apple. But that’s a lot of ifs.
The Tartan Tories was an insult thrown at old fashioned supporters of Scottish Independence by moronic lefties until about the 1980s. Since then the SNP has matured into a party of good governance. Claiming that the biggest contribution to the failure of Scottish Labour is a rebranding exercise by the SNP is to ignore the rise in support for independence and a general recognition by the Scottish people that the SNP does a better job of government than Westminster. History is happening here. Not marketing and campaigning.
Interesting article, though I don’t think it’s necessarily small “c” conservative voters who are driving support for the Tories. For instance, I don’t think there’d be a while lot of support for overturning gay marriage outside of Muslim and evangelical immigrant communities who are all going to vote for Labour. This seems more like a nationalist/globalist divide.
The amusing irony here being that Labour, in many cities, is substantially dependent on the votes of people implacably opposed to gay marriage.
‘Twas ever thus among these identity politics shysters. The various minority client groups tend to hate each other more vehemently than anybody hates them, which makes the left’s heads implode. The British Crime Survey used to publish stats on racial crimes, but had to stop because it was embarrassingly clear that by a factor of about 30 a minority was more likely to victimise someone white than vice versa, and that the biggest perpetrators of racist crimes were racial minorities against a different racial minority to themselves.
Today we see that fundamentalist Muslims hate gays, feminists and male-to-female sex-changers hate each other, and so on.
Leftism is founded on hate and envy and can no more hide than a leopard can hide its spots.
From two perspectives it is pretty clear the Conservatives will be in until about 2034.
Firstly this is because in the past 75 years, when oppositions have won general elections, it has usually been against governments that were a minority when the election was fought. Labour in 1979 and the Conservatives in 1997 are the most recent examples of this.
The only exception since the war, when a government with a working majority was defeated at a general election and replaced by the opposition with its own working majority, was in 1970 – Labour (majority 98) lost to the Conservatives (majority 31). Nothing that has unfolded over the last year suggests that this rule of thumb is about to change. The bigger the majority, the longer it takes for the opposition to overturn. Johnson’s majority looks good for another two Conservative terms
Next, looking at the state of the Labour Party under its hole-in-the-air leader Starmer, it’s clear that it has not even begun to deal with its electorally poisonous quadrifecta of anti-Semitism, Marxist infiltration, reflexive metropolitan hatred of the white working class, and total extinction in Scotland. Add to that the inevitable association with loony-left wokery, and it’s clear that Labour is at least ten years’ hard work away from starting to look electable.
Broadly speaking, then, Boris Johnson’s majority Government can expect to win the next general election, and Starmer will lose it by a further three-term majority.
The earliest GE the Tories risk losing is that of 2034.
Worth remembering that following 1979, Labour splintered into two halves. The only thing that prevented that happening to the Tories in 2019 was the spineless capitulation by Farage when he didn’t contest a single Tory-majority seat.
It took 10 years for Labour to reconsolidate after the SDP departure. There is no such wound to repair this time.
It’s much worse for Labour now, but that’s beside my point, which is that to know the result of the next election, you just look at the result of the last.
This approach predicts a Conservative victory. It’s based purely on looking at what happened last time, but when one looks away from data to sense-check it against reality, look what you see. Look at Labour, and the prediction is corroborated by Starmer’s utter shambles: a party driven by hate, riven by division, and that stands for nothing except envy and identity politics.
If we had a really impressive opposition it would shake my faith in my model, but we have an opposition worse even than that led by Kinnock. Labour manifestly cannot win, are 10 to 12 years away from looking like doing so, and as a party bitterly, bitterly hate the leader who saved them from oblivion last time.
“Transfer the Brexit referendum result from councils onto constituencies and you are left with the simple but crucial fact that more than 60% backed Brexit. This is what unified the loose alliance of blue-collar workers and affluent conservatives; it was not their very different economic experiences but their shared views of the nation”
Surely this is his most difficult task. How do you unite the ‘affluent conservatives’ who want Singapore-on-Thames, more deregulation, more free-market, with the ‘blue-collar workers’ who don’t want a liberal Brexit? The ‘blue collar workers’ want more govt and less free-market. They want to reduce immigration, prevent a repeat of the financial crisis that saw their incomes stagnate, higher minimum wages and an increase on spending on the welfare state. All things I suspect the ‘affluent conservatives’ and Thatcherite’s like Carswell and Hannan would oppose.
Precisely. It’s a con, and when the blue-collar workers realise that they are not members of the ‘people who matter’, the tide will turn.
Remember the comment by arch-Conservative Charles Moore that of course fracking shouldn’t be allowed in the Home Counties, but it was OK in what he called parts of the country which don’t matter very much. That attitude extends across the field of topics, not just the niche issue of fracking.
Can’t we concentrate on Sir Kneel Starmers failings for a change? What’s the point of having an opposition party that doesn’t oppose anything, paid for by us I add. I can’t think of a single good thing Boris Johnson has done since he became leader, apart from replacing Teresa May. But Starmer? Please, this feeble man is almost invisible.
We have just learned that Labour MP from east London (I will leave you guess her background) has been charged with 63K’s worth of mortgage fraud. it used to be the Tories who were the criminals, and to some extent they still are. But the balance of criminality and fraud etc now lies firmly on the Labour side, and ‘traditional’ Labour voters have finally woken up to this.
As John Ottaway seems to suggest below. Farage needs to get on with his Reform party so that all those who have given up on the rest of them have someone to vote for.
One thing not discussed is the possibility of Nigel Farage getting a new party off the ground. And sneer as you might it is a possibility.
I am perhaps a natural conservative , but after the total mess they have made of the Covid crisis, crashing the economy and their totally stupid tier system, when all cause mortality in the U.K. this autumn is clearly in line with previous years and perhaps even less than 2018, I will certainly not be giving my vote to Boris and his buffoons. And before this crisis I have always been a huge fan of Boris.
So for me it’s either a new party that we can all align with or a spoiled ballot paper.
And I suspect the conservatives will have great difficulty hanging onto their northern gains on the strength of their performance so far
The best analysis by far
“Johnson is simply too liberal for his more socially conservative supporters. Is he really willing to stare down more radical elements of the left?” The best way to defeat the radical left is to expose the woke terror for the neo-Marxist postmodernist totalitarian scam it is and then promote true liberal principles of freedom of speech and solving problems through rational and open debate. The trouble is if he does not get round to it soon the administrative bureaucracies might be too heavily infected by the woke virus and work to block anything he does try.
“how to compensate and repair”
This had better not be welfare. What people – his potential voters – want and need – is jobs, especially in manufacturing and commerce.
Dear BUTY
Kay Burley’s Coronavirus Suspension Proves Hypocrisy of Media Elite
you tube watch?v=zpW4GDidIq8
MP (who voted for lockdown) tells Andre Walker that they all know Coronavirus is nonsense
“There is certainly an intellectual hole at the heart of the Johnson Project; the general absence of a philosophy holding the entire thing together is something that he should prioritise in 2021.”
He just needs to deal with the wokescum.
Johnson “needs to deal with the wokescum”.
Perhaps you could compare notes with the guy above who claimed that Socialism is about hatred.
The working class(s) and the industries that employ them are finding a common home in conservative coalitions. They may not have chosen that suitor as they may have been shoved. Shoved by Labour in UK. By Hilary in the US. By Trudeau in Canada. Even the socialist New Democratic Party in Canada, the NDP, or, [if you prefer, the Nearly Dead Party], obsesses over climate change, race, indigenous issues, gender issues, etc, issues which their erstwhile supporters seem not to give a damn about. So, the welders and factory workers and oil hands are gravitating towards people who, at least, talk about them. Trump is dead, but, Trumpism may have a long life, more refined and respectable than the mercurial Donald could ever make it.
Trumpism is dead because it lost an election.
Partially because of shifting demographics (more website designers, fewer welders) and partially because the welders may well be concerned about climate change, getting fish back into the river they fished in as a child before pollution killed them off, etc. And the welders’ children are liable to be concerned about those issues.
Echo chambers rarely get it right
In UnHerd today we have Ed West telling us why he has come round to thinking that leaving the EU is a terrible blunder, while here we have Matthew Goodwin telling us that BJ is still popular despite various issues, not least Covid. Unless we see an astounding about turn in the next three weeks it seems that BJ will (finally!) deliver a Brexit that will please all but the most fervent of the Brexiteers. Go figure.
Always easier on the outside looking in, of course, but as the best character in Groundhog Day* says, “Yup, that about sums it up for me.”
* It’s Groundhog Day tomorrow
For those of us who long for honourable and accountable government this is a very depressing read.
Good article.
Unfortunately, I am not convinced by the assumption that the ‘socially conservative white working class’ have the kind of commitment to ‘family values’ in that Dr Goodwin implies. We live in an area of SW London to which a large number of ‘white working class’ have started to move over the past few years. This has made the area more right-wing politically as many of them appear hold racist or nationalist views. However, in terms of family, female-headed households seem to be the exception rather than the norm, closely followed by step-families. Couples with children are often unmarried. Parenting skills are poor: children shout and scream and their parents/step-parents scream back at them. F- and c- words are used in front of children, which is really, really not okay. I rest my case.
Traditional family values, put into practice from day to day and not sentimentalised or shouted about, are more likely to be found among the South Asians (Hindu, Muslim and Christian), Chinese and Koreans, West Africans and Eastern European’s who (thankfully) are also moving into our area and improving it. They have the kind aspirations and respect for education found in previous generations of London’s working class communities and probably (hopefully) still extant in other parts of the UK.
One biggy that politicians and educated folk seldom understand is that when you’re having a hard time, you need to feel you’re not rock-bottom – and the only way to do that is to feel “not as bad as the family down the road”!
Then folk that are almost having a bad time behave as if they’re better than you.
Hence the way my Mum looked down her nose at the divorcee across the road.
Johnson is beating Labour because Corbyn took the Labour party too far to the left, and since Cameron the Tory Party has adopted Blair’s policies and are no longer a conservative party.
This precious democracy we must the EU to “save” is so appalling that 44% of the electorate yields a majority of 80 in Parliament. Perhaps replacing it with a real democracy might be nice.
“Labour then opted to pursue an ultra-Remain strategy” that is certainly not how I recall it. I am not sure what the strategy was and I am not sure many Labour supporters did either. The Lib Dems had an ultra-Remain strategy and that was really clear and simple and totally devastating as yet another Lib Dem leader lost her own seat (oh how I laughed at that one).
I did try to discover the Labour Brexit strategy at a summer music festival last year where there was a labour stand giving out stickers saying “stop a Tory Brexit” so I asked does that mean we should have a Labour Brexit then and the answer was possibly, it will be whatever Corbyn can achieve and could be no Brexit at all, but it whatever it is it will be better than what the Tories will do.
You say you don’t know what Starmer stands for, but it is clear what he is against – anything he thinks he can say that sounds better than what Boris has said. The not Trump line seemed to work for Biden and maybe in another 4 years Starmer hopes a not Boris line will work for him. However we know the real reason Starmer does not stand for anything and that is that his party is so divided it would fall apart around him if he did actually try to stand for something.
MSM?
Poor Boris and even Trump, the pandemic hit them and their freedom loving principles.
Corbyn when he saw what Boris had to do, he offered him some copies of his Manifesto which he had left over from the election.
We have to live with this Marxist China Virus as one more curse forced on to us by the Marxists who have destroyed our greatness at every turn since 1945, 1997 and what they threw at the leavers of power in 2019, the Marxist IRA was simply unbelievable and lethal to England itself.
Anyway, here we are, I still voted for Boris, I wouldn’t have anybody else steering us through the pandemic and I thank our lucky stars that our elections just missed the virus unlike poor Trump! Imagine if that had happened here, in my nightmares I can see Corbyn, McDonell and Abbott addressing us from podiums during the pandemic.
I voted for Boris to get Brexit Done! and so long as he doesn’t sell us to Europe and undoes the treachery of Major, Blair, Cameron and May that is fine by me. So I say: Boris the best! Go Boris go! Don’t give in to Bussels!
Ha ha! I had no idea viruses were given to Marxist ideals!
Still, as you say let’s get Brexit bodged and see what happens next….
An entire nation indulging in entryism, conservatives espousing socialism, socialists spewing conservatism and globalists regurgitating nationalism, while the ideologs patiently play wingmen on the extremes. Boris Johnston is the epitome of the political convolusion, a real world representation of the nations schizophrenic political subconscious. He is you!
Right now there is a good chuck of the working class that is being paid to sit at home and do nothing. It’s call furlough. It’s calculated to financially support white British so-called working class voters, who are never fond of hard work at the best of times.
Sooner or later furlough will end. A hard Brexit will have happened. The globalist middle class will be tightening their collective belt. There won’t be any trickle down of money from the globalist middle class who pay the taxes that support the so-called working class white British voters.
That’s when the opinion polls will start to tell the story.
I have no love for Labour and its identity politics. I think it gets worse every year. I think Starmer is a disaster. When the economy is chugging along and unemployment is low people can afford to vote on cultural issues. That’s not the case when the economy has gone under, unemployment is at 1980s levels and the country is bankrupt. The Conservatives got through the 1980s with votes from the middle classes who are no longer be there for them and certainly won’t be there in 2024.
Matthew Goodwin’s books are an interesting read, but like anyone who specialises in one aspect of a larger picture, he is prone to believing that the area he focuses on – the C2DE Leave element – determines the whole picture. In the long term, it’s a declining demographic, however much Unherd commenters love it as a touchstone for their own views.
I think you are misusing the current definition of C2DE in a narrow sense to skip by the fact that it’s jus a definition of a very large chunk of people who occupy middling and low paid jobs. C2DE is the bottom three categories of the whole NRS scale. Whatever you think is declining is just historical definitions that may need updating. But if your essential point is that somehow the middling and ordinary sort is declining and the entire population will somehow move into the top three grades of the scale and be directing, managing supervising and administering almost no-one, then that is a bizarre understanding. Most people have middling jobs, middling incomes, middling education. It’s almost the definition of average. We can’t be all chiefs and no Indians. However much telesales executive sounds like a middle class profession to some.
I agree with a lot of that.
And globalised capitalism has hollowed out the middle class. As a result, the middling jobs/incomes/education people (who mathematically have to exist – if you define them as the middle third, then by definition they are a third of the voters!) no longer have so much of a stake as they used to.
I don’t believe that the young ‘telesales executive’ on a short term contract in Coventry, living in a rented flat and paying half their income in rent – thus left acquiring absolutely nothing by the 31st of each month, because instead they are funding their landlord’s retire-at-50 plan – is naturally a Tory in the way that they might have been in 1980 when they might have had a job doing customer services in British Gas or the regional Electricity Board (remember them?) and been buying their own home. People don’t vote for their landlord!
Yes, the Tories can still win elections for a while by achieving 85-90% turnout among the over-70s while it’s only 40% or less among some younger groups. That makes the older C2DE people more influential at the ballot box than the younger C2DE ones, in the red wall seats. But you can’t play that game for ever. And the younger C2DE voters, even as they age, are not adopting the “You’re not allowed to say it now, but Enoch was right” or “We should never have given away the Empire, it’s all been downhill since 1945” attitudes of the 80 year olds.