June 7, 2024 - 7:00am

What would be the worst possible result for Labour on 4 July? There’s nothing in any poll to suggest that losing the election is plausible, but attention should still be paid to the party’s vote share.

Because the non-Labour vote is so splintered, Sir Keir Starmer could finish on less than 40% and still win a substantial majority. Nevertheless, failing to break through this barrier would damage his standing — not least because it would mean doing worse than Jeremy Corbyn did in 2017 when Labour got exactly 40%. The surviving Corbynites would never let Starmer forget it, while the media narrative would focus on Tory defeat rather than Labour triumph.

Consider the precedents. So far this century, there have been three general election victories on a sub-40% vote share. Firstly: Labour in 2005 after Tony Blair won a majority of 66 seats, but only 35.2% of voters. He was gone two years later. In 2010, the Tories came first on 36.1%, but had to govern in coalition with the Lib Dems. In 2015, David Cameron secured a second victory — this time with a barely improved vote share of 36.9%. His slim majority did not save him in 2016.

Looking at the 20th century, the 40% barrier looms large in the fate of premiers. Apart from the coalitions of 1918 and 2010, not a single party leader who failed to clear the hurdle went on to serve a full term as PM.

The good news for Starmer is that Labour is polling in the mid-40s right now. Yet that figure has been flattered by the ineptitude of the Conservative election launch. Only last month, several pollsters had Labour on 41% or 42%. If this is indicative of the true level of Labour support, then the party would only have to lose a few percentage points to fall into the danger zone. For instance, if Rishi Sunak’s handlers master the art of the non-humiliating photo-op, that might move the needle.

Then there are the other parties. On the Left and among Muslim voters, there are those who will follow the Owen Jones line that Tory defeat is guaranteed, thus leaving them free to vote for the Greens, other radicals or, in Islington North, Corbyn himself. Much the same logic will appeal to those who can’t be bothered to vote at all.

Meanwhile, further to the Right, there are alienated ex-Conservative voters who might want to punish the Tories, but fear what Starmer would do without a functioning opposition. If, by election day, caution overcomes anger, that too will nibble at Labour’s vote share.

Finally, there’s Nigel Farage’s last-minute return to the front line. According to Opinium, Leave voters account for a substantial part of the increase in the Labour vote since 2019 and almost all of the Conservative decline. If Reform UK continues to make headway, it will be at the expense of both the main parties. Indeed, the latest YouGov poll, which was conducted following Farage’s comeback, shows Reform on a record high of 17%, the Conservatives on 19% and Labour dropping back to 40%.

These developments are unlikely to cost Labour its majority, let alone first place. With the Tories on the floor and Right divided, Starmer is all but guaranteed the keys to Downing Street. But will he be prime minister by acclaim or by default?


Peter Franklin is Associate Editor of UnHerd. He was previously a policy advisor and speechwriter on environmental and social issues.

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