February 12, 2025 - 7:00am

A key “safeguard” in the assisted dying bill before Westminster is to be ditched, it emerged late on Monday. Labour MP Kim Leadbeater, the sponsor of the legislation, wrote in the Guardian that the requirement for the approval of a High Court judge would be removed, and that requests for assisted death in the UK should instead be overseen by a panel of professionals. She intends to lay an amendment to force through this change in the coming weeks. Leadbeater argues that the revised approach will make the process “even more robust”, but critics see it as a watering-down of vital safeguards that indicates badly flawed legislation.

Promoting her bill last year, Leadbeater repeatedly argued that it would usher in the “strictest” assisted dying framework in the world, pointing specifically to the clause requiring sign-off by a senior judge. Indeed, this aspect of the bill was used to sway nervous MPs at a key vote in November. Noting this fact yesterday, fellow Labour MP Florence Eshalomi commented: “The key safeguard that was used to persuade MPs who raised valid questions about the bill has now been dropped. To say this is worrying is an understatement.” Several MPs have since announced that, having previously supported the legislation, they will be changing their vote at the next reading as a result of the dropped safeguard.

The reason why the High Court judge clause is being ditched is clear. Appearing before a committee of MPs tasked with scrutinising the bill in January, Retired High Court judge Sir Nicholas Mostyn — a prominent supporter of assisted dying — said it would be “impossible” for the Court to rule in every case, given how overwhelmed judges are. Leadbeater has listened to this, but her approach raises another question: are the people proposed to oversee assisted dying applications on a panel any better equipped for the task?

Leadbeater says that a “panel” should include a social worker, a retired legal professional, and a psychiatrist. Of course, concerns about capacity equally apply here. Social workers frequently warn that they are overwhelmed by their caseloads, and psychiatrists face the same significant pressures as other NHS medics. Leadbeater has not detailed how panels would be organised or paid for, nor what recourse — if any — family members might have to appeal a panel’s decision. What’s more, those willing to join any such panel are likely sympathetic to assisted dying, which risks a less critical approach.

Opponents of the bill point to unsolvable problems with assisted suicide that make legislating for the practice reckless — regardless of where people stand on its ethics. Coercion of vulnerable people is not always possible to detect, while elderly people and women are particularly at risk. There is also no way to rule out that people may end their lives because they feel like a burden, or because of pressure arising from inequality. Britons grappling with loneliness, or who lack access to proper health, social care and welfare support, will feel pressure to die that others will not.

This new development will only add to existing anxiety around the legislation. Last week, a group of Labour MPs wrote to colleagues expressing concern about committee scrutiny. They noted that oral evidence from experts was “weighted towards voices that were known to be supportive of the bill”, and warned of a lack of witnesses being invited to discuss several important issues. MPs did not hear from an expert on domestic abuse and coercive control against women, an expert from a country that has legalised assisted suicide who has concerns, or a person with experience of a loved one’s assisted death where the family had concerns about their decision. These are all significant omissions.

MPs have also expressed concern about legislating for assisted suicide through the private member’s bill process, which is usually reserved for less consequential changes. Speaking to Radio 4’s Today programme, Labour MP Meg Hillier said that, as a result of this process, the bill has not been “rigorously tested”. She also accused the bill’s supporters of “campaigning” rather than “legislating” during committee deliberations. Leadbeater herself maintained this week that the bill is facing “unprecedented scrutiny”, but saying this doesn’t make it true.

The committee scrutinising Leadbeater’s bill is skewed in her favour, with 14 known supporters and just nine opponents. The Labour MP and her allies decided on the final list of witnesses invited to give oral evidence, and the length of this evidence. They will also have casting votes on amendments to the bill during line-by-line scrutiny at committee, which began yesterday.

Many MPs backed the assisted dying bill last year on the understanding that it would receive robust, impartial scrutiny. Several of these MPs have publicly changed their minds already, and more may now be rethinking their position. The calibre of examination the bill is receiving does not inspire confidence that its problems will be recognised and dealt with honestly. Any politician still undecided about this legislation will feel increasingly nervous about putting their name to it.


Jamie Gillies is a commentator on politics and culture

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