Actions not words. Win McNamee / POOL / AFP via Getty Images


March 7, 2025   6 mins

In the days leading up to Trump’s explosion last week against Zelensky, several incidents occurred that, in their expression of blind power, were as consequential as the astounding scene in the Oval Office. Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the new Secretary of Health and Human Services, cancelled the annual, crucial meeting of scientists to determine what ingredients should be in the flu vaccine for next year. And after an expanding measles outbreak in Texas killed a person in America for the first time in 10 years, it took days, and a torrent of criticism, for him to finally urge parents to get their children a measles vaccine.

At around the same time, Kash Patel, the new director of the FBI, met with the bureau’s agents and employees for the first time since he was confirmed as director by Congress. Along with explaining to the several thousand people attending the Zoom session that, unprecedented in the bureau’s history, he would be working mostly out of Las Vegas, and not Washington DC, he announced that he would be establishing a partnership between the FBI and the UFC (Ultimate Fighting Championship) an extreme martial arts entertainment behemoth. Which just happens to have its headquarters in Las Vegas, and whose CEO, Dana White, just happened to be a major donor to Trump’s presidential campaign.

But the opening act, as it were, for Trump’s and Vance’s humiliation of Zelensky, was Musk’s presence at the first gathering of Trump’s cabinet. Musk held forth, standing over the seated cabinet, talking more than anyone else at the meeting, including Trump, as the assembled cabinet secretaries remained mute. When a particular secretary did talk, they preceded their remarks by praising Trump with ritualistic submission. It was unlike anything any Americans had ever seen.

But just about everything that has happened in the five weeks since Trump was inaugurated is unlike anything we have ever seen. Yet a society changing for the worst, without violence at the beginning, changes without much opposition because the new conditions blend seamlessly, like spies, into the old conditions. Humans have a great stake in keeping a bright outlook and not rocking the boat they have to sail in every day. And Americans, numbed by screens, psychiatric drugs, pornography and infinite niches of fantasy and entertainment, have become passive and inert.

The establishment, watching, simply does not know how to combat Trump. The late-night comedians, bedtime storytellers for liberals, soften his unprecedented assault on American government, on old international alliances, on the dignity and decorum of democratic statesmanship with laughter. Oh, that Trump, you chuckle to yourself before turning off the light and pulling the blanket over your head.

The media attempt to oppose him by describing his aberrations in rational prose, which only normalises his dizzying about-faces and casual bombshells. Rather than consider how appalling Trump and Vance’s outburst against Zelensky was, for days it swirled the following conundrum around its navel: was Zelensky’s humiliation by Trump and Vance planned or spontaneous? As if that mattered in the slightest. And so his most bizarre actions are analogised into familiar gestures. They are historicised into normalcy. He is Nixon, sort of, kind of like Reagan, maybe, a throwback to McKinley and Andrew Jackson for sure; he is using Putin’s “playbook”. Some of this might be true, some of it might be illuminating, but none of it thwarts him to the slightest degree.

Meanwhile, bored, Trump can only rouse his own interest by falling back on the one activity he excels in, which is making deals. But the thing about a deal is that it happens in isolation. No one on any side of a deal is thinking about a larger context outside the deal. If you are negotiating building a shopping mall, you are not thinking of the history of shopping malls, the effect of the shopping mall on social relations, the effect that particular shopping mall will have on the surrounding area in 50 years. If you are about to “screw” — to use one of Trump’s favourite words — someone in the course of making the deal, you are not thinking of that person retaliating, of that person’s allies turning against you, of whether you will ever talk to that person again. Everyone in on the deal moves on upon the completion of the deal, after which everyone is ready to come together again to make another deal. Trump doesn’t have the political imagination to consider the complicated long-term ramifications of the actions he takes, or says he is going to take.

And this jumping from isolated deal to isolated deal has caused a dramatic change in the country’s atmosphere. Each episode is discussed, critiqued, condemned in isolation from everything else he does. Few people seem to have the will to connect one new fact with another. And here are the unprecedented facts: the military lawyers who keep the military from violating the Constitution have all been fired by the new Secretary of Defense, Pete Hegseth. Trump is installing flunkies as generals and admirals. The Pentagon has been ordered to stop offensive cyberoperations against Russia. Trump has put the government in the hands of Elon Musk, the world’s richest man, whose $500 billion is able to generate currents of persuasion that can set in motion generals, admirals, politicians and judges. Either the lunatics are running the asylum, or the criminals have taken charge of the justice system. Or both.

In his classic book about the 1968 Democratic and Republican presidential conventions, Miami and the Siege of Chicago, Norman Mailer described the “goons” Chicago Mayor Richard Daley had surrounded himself with: “Some of them had eyes like drills; others, noses like plows; jaws like amputated knees.” Daly himself “from up close had a red skin with many veins and hair which looked like dirty gray silk combed out straight”. After Obama’s taut, vain, self-consciously sculpted gym body, and all the polished prettiness of the liberal mandarins here is the opposite number: Trump’s garish orange hair and skin, his bulging stomach and spindly legs; RFK’s lizard eyes and dying frog voice; Steven Cheung’s siloed, eyeless head and Costco bulk; Bannon, MAGA’s intellectual giant, an unwashed homunculus who seems to have absorbed culture in the manner of a partying banker, uncomprehendingly, through the nose.

Just as in Mailer’s telling, today’s grotesques are in a rage, not just against the liberal and neoliberal sham of “merit” — liberalese for “the fix is in” — but furious at anything that doesn’t respect them. It’s just like the anger amid the regime in Fritz Lang’s 1943 Hangmen Also Die. Watch any member of Trump’s new rank being interviewed. They are absolute paragons of politeness until they are challenged. Then they explode. No one has ever found themselves in a situation like this, and no one knows how to react.

Instead, in Congress during Trump’s speech, having being chastised by House Speaker Johnson for booing Trump — for sounding, in other words, like the far more robust House of Commons — the Democrats sat in submissive silence, holding circular signs saying things like “False” and “Save Medicaid”. The writing on the little signs was so neat! While the Republicans screamed and roared and chanted “USA! USA!” the Democrats behaved like the good little girls and boys they had been all their lives. They had never been put in a situation where the delinquents and cut-ups took over the school.

“While the Republicans screamed and roared, the Democrats behaved like the good little girls and boys they had been all their lives.”

Paralysed by losing the working class, by being shunned as “elites”, by being accused of lacking the ordinary person’s “common sense”, the Democrats can’t seem to find a way to strike back at Trump without appearing to be “out of touch”. So even as they agonise over Musk gutting the federal bureaucracy that has always stood between people and a rapacious marketplace — the bureaucracy, for all its maddening flaws, is a vital sliver of civil society within the government — the liberals mechanically intone the need to tame the bureaucracy.

The leaden, Manchurian-Candidate mantra that is deployed by the Right to justify Trump has been “the system is broken”. Adjunct to that is: “behold all the waste and fraud.” But the “system” is no more broken than “systemic” racism pervaded every nook and cranny of American life. There is no one “system”. The “system” is made up of countless realms — health, education, welfare, law, environment, economy and so on — each of which constitutes its own special world. None could possibly be “broken” in the same way, and none could be “fixed” in the same way. They fail to function here and there, sometimes miserably, but America functions in all those realms, every day. Life, for most Americans, is ok. Syria is broken. Sudan is broken. Gaza is broken. To say that the American “system” is broken is to not understand the meaning of what is being said.

As for waste and fraud, so be it. They should not be used as excuses to break the “system” under the pretext of “fixing” it. They are the collateral nuisances of a democracy. Totalitarian and authoritarian regimes erase “waste and fraud” from their societies along with freedom. In those regimes, instead of waste and fraud in society, corruption and deceit thrive in politics. But now you have liberal bien pensants nodding their heads and stroking their chins and saying, “Yes, well, harrumph, of course, we too want fix, harrumph, a broken system and to rid America of, harrumph, waste and fraud… But, please, let’s not get carried away!”

America has now changed, irrevocably. It will never be the same again. The challenge is to keep the change from becoming cataclysmic. “Political life as a whole is an endless chain consisting of an infinite number of links,” said Lenin, who advised grabbing hold of the link “that most of all guarantees its possessor the possession of the whole chain”. For all the mewling about the broken system, no one seems to have any idea of how to leap beyond addressing isolated moments and to go beyond theorising about opposition, to actually doing it. In The New York Times, James Carville, the liberal establishment’s not quite adequate answer to Steve Bannon, did connect some of the links—only to advise not doing anything at all and simply allowing Trump to implode before the country does. What a brilliant idea.

The only force, the vital link, that will stop the unstoppable force of Trump is something equally original, astonishing, daring and uninhibited. Someone, as they say across the Southern border, needs the cojones to stand up to Trump and the cadres of craven careerists and flunkies the Republican party has become. Is there no one, in this unbound, uninhibited, wildly unpredictable place who can do that?


Lee Siegel is an American writer and cultural critic. In 2002, he received a National Magazine Award. His selected essays will be published next spring.