February 26, 2025   5 mins

In his glory days, Jack Ma, billionaire founder of Alibaba, was hailed as the embodiment of Chinese innovation. The young and online christened him “Daddy Ma”, and dreamed of emulating his rags-to-riches life story — from a humble English teacher to a self-made tycoon. He was a symbol of all that could be achieved within China’s emerging private sector.

Then, in 2020, everything changed. The outspoken CEO criticised aspects of the Chinese Communist Party’s policy during a speech in Shanghai. Soon after, he disappeared from public view, in the 21st-century equivalent of the Cultural Revolution’s practice of sending big-headed officials to farms in remote provinces. It was all part of Xi Jinping’s “Common Prosperity” drive, which was intended to check the mushrooming powers of China’s tech oligarchs.

But last week, to the surprise of many, Jack Ma re-surfaced at a business summit hosted by Xi. There he was, clapping away, after five years of exile. The summit itself was the first of its kind in six years, and included more tech entrepreneurs than the previous one. Although the star of the show was DeepSeek founder Liang Wenfeng, Ma’s reappearance seemed to indicate that the chill was over, and that the Party was willing to play with the oligarchs once more. After Xi reminded them that they were to “actively fulfil social responsibilities” and “promote common prosperity”, reports in official media suggested that the government wanted to support the private sector’s expansion.

For years China has been in a slump. Ever since the government-engineered deflation of the real estate sector hit households hard, most Chinese have reined in their spending. This has slowed down its rapid convergence with the US economy, with some suggesting that the country may never catch up. Western analysts tend to conclude that the Chinese economy is saddled with structural deficiencies that may block it from ever becoming a global powerhouse.

But perhaps they’ve misjudged the CCP’s motives, failing to see that the setbacks may not result from policy errors but from deliberate plans. Puncturing the real estate bubble — painful though that has proven to be, since property remains the main savings vehicle for Chinese households — formed part of Xi’s strategy to reallocate resources towards “high-quality” growth, in particular in emerging tech sectors like AI and renewable energy. The Chinese leadership appears to have traded quantity of economic output for quality, with the idea that re-orienting resources to emerging sectors will serve the country better in the long run.

Judging from recent activity in the markets, the strategy may well be working. Although structural problems continue to beset the Chinese economy — including a deflated property market, weak consumption and an excessive reliance on manufactured exports — reports suggest that it may now be turning a corner. Over the New Year holiday, train travel and movie attendance set new records. And while real estate prices are still stagnating well below their 2020 peaks, the market may now have bottomed with activity in Shanghai starting to heat up again.

Meanwhile, the global winds may now be blowing in China’s favour. Since the DeepSeek breakthrough, money has begun flowing out of the US. The Magnificent Seven, which had previously powered the US stock market to a record share of total capitalisation, have now started to slide, and the US market as a whole has hit a plateau. In place of the Magnificent Seven are China’s “Terrific Ten tech stocks, which since DeepSeek’s “Sputnik moment” have powered the Hang Seng index to a double-digit surge. If this continues, Chinese households may soon feel they can afford to finally loosen their purse-strings.

Arguably, Donald Trump’s policy turns are inadvertently strengthening China’s momentum. Having abandoned Joe Biden’s plans for a renewable energy transition, Trump’s administration has left one of the world’s fastest-growing sectors to Chinese producers. Its renewable energy and EV companies are aggressively expanding sales in almost all markets, most significantly in rapidly growing developing-country markets, and the effect is already showing in their share prices.

“Arguably, Donald Trump’s policy turns are inadvertently strengthening China’s momentum.”

With sales slumping, Tesla had pinned all its hopes on its forthcoming automated driving feature. Then, out of the blue, China’s BYD introduced its ‘’God’s Eye” driver-assistance feature for free in all its cars. If the competition between these two auto giants is anything to go by, the global centre of technological dynamism appears to be shifting. Whereas Tesla’s stock is down some 16% in the last month, BYD’s has risen by more than 40%.

It appears the Chinese leadership is now trying to sail into these tailwinds, with the rehabilitation of Jack Ma being a powerful symbol of its new openness to business, and particularly to tech entrepreneurs. Following last week’s summit, the central bank announced it would be implementing measures to make it easier for Chinese firms to obtain capital. And China has for months been talking of some major stimulus for the economy. But while there have been some tentative steps in this direction, we’re still awaiting a big announcement.

A key moment will probably come next week, when China holds its “Two Sessions meeting of both the National People’s Congress and the Chinese People’s Consultative Congress, at which the government is expected to elaborate on the stimulus measures it announced late last year. If the Communist leadership is serious about supporting business, this would be the obvious moment to make it clear.

While China is aggressively expanding its trade ties and diplomatic presence around the world, the US is pulling up the drawbridge. Crucially, America is aping the old Chinese model in a manner that could prove self-destructive. Traditionally, China has been considered less investable than the US because it’s run by a party that can clamp down on business at any moment, unlike the free-market and institutionally-stable West. However, the US is now run by a fickle oligarch who changes policy on a dime. At least in China one can discern a strategy — namely, the survival of the Communist regime — whereas in the US, it’s unclear whether Trump has an actual plan, or whether he’s motivated entirely by whims and Tweets.

The apparent Chinese approach of engineering a downturn to weed out low-quality activity and then re-orient resources to dynamic sectors is hardly groundbreaking. Although the dominant neoclassical theory of economics generally regards any fall in output as a sign of economic ill-health, less orthodox schools such as the Austrians have always seen recessions as necessary to the process of renewal – a moment of creative destruction. In fact, one could argue that’s precisely what Elon Musk is trying to do with his DOGE experiment: induce a recession by dramatically cutting government demand, in the hope a more innovative private sector will then be free to pick up the slack.

Yet the similarities between the Chinese and American approaches probably end there. The Trump and Musk approach, which focuses on deregulation and tax cuts, will probably lead to greater capital concentration. Already, it’s entrenching the power of oligarchs, particularly those from the tech sector. China, by contrast, has reminded its oligarchs who is boss.

In the Seventies, there was an arcane Marxist debate about the character of the state in capitalist societies. The instrumentalists believed the state was controlled by the capitalist class which used it to advance its business interests, while the structuralists argued the state ruled in the best interests of the class when it had the relative autonomy to implement policies which, if harmful to individual businesses, were good for the economy. China might just be the archetypal autonomous state presiding over a pastiche capitalist economy, whereas the US is now run by businessmen using the state as an instrument to advance their version of capitalism. Which model is superior remains to be seen. But investors, previously all in on America, are now hedging their bets.


John Rapley is an author and academic who divides his time between London, Johannesburg and Ottawa. His books include Why Empires Fall: Rome, America and the Future of the West (with Peter Heather, Penguin, 2023) and Twilight of the Money Gods: Economics as a religion (Simon & Schuster, 2017).

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