Compartmentalised people are difficult enough to deal with. A compartmentalised culture sleepwalks toward oblivion.
Consider New York Times columnist Michelle Goldberg, who wrote in December 2017, not even a year into Trump’s presidency: “As this hideous, discombobulating year comes to an end, the Resistance offers one reason for optimism… Trump became president despite the will of a majority of the American people… Inasmuch as Trump is able to force his agenda on an unwilling nation, it’s because of a breakdown in democracy…”
That’s strong stuff. It’s the language of an extreme political crisis, in which a criminal figure exploits weak political structures, seizing power in order to establish an authoritarian regime. The only hope is what Goldberg calls “the Resistance”, a brave collection of private citizens and public officials who strive together to “hold the line against authoritarianism”. You think of Mandela and Navalny, men whose willingness to sacrifice their lives for truth and for their societies offers a light at the end of history’s dark tunnel.
And here is Goldberg just last week writing about the various public officials Trump and his nominee for FBI director, Kash Patel, have said they intend to investigate and prosecute once Trump is in the White House. Goldberg writes that “Biden should pardon them all, along with pretty much everyone else Patel has singled out by name and those who worked on the Jan. 6 committee”. Goldberg isn’t alone is making this argument. Even as people are being liberated from Assad’s prisons after years of torture and isolation, imposed upon them for standing up to the regime. Biden’s aides, and Biden himself, are considering granting immunity from Trump to some of the most powerful and richest individuals in America, a consideration that would be inconceivable if many of these people had not made it clear that they immunity was what they desired.
Whatever happened to the Resistance? To the rows upon rows of lawn signs that sprang up in besieged and beleaguered liberal enclaves, signs exhorting their well-heeled, super-insulated residents to stand up to Trump? Where is the deafening clamour that rang out of every nook and cranny of the Left-liberal establishment, right up until the moment when Trump won back the White House, resoundingly and conclusively, last November? Did the “existential threat”— a phrase used ad nauseam by liberals since 2016 — Trump posed to democracy suddenly become downgraded from “existential” to a mere threat, just at the moment Trump’s Republicans took both the White House and the Senate?
In 2016, Trump won by a hair. By December 2017, he was “authoritarian” only in the hollow rhetoric of an ugly temperament. A plaything of laws, customs, rites, and politics that he did not understand, Trump had struggled to gain any kind of stable footing as president. He had not signed into law a single piece of legislation seriously undercutting the liberal agenda.
On the other hand, by December 2017, the woke revolution, existing only by virtue of its fiction of standing up to Trump’s “existential threat”, was on the verge of taking over the country’s major cultural institutions, as well as its educational establishment, from kindergarten on up. So gratifying and rewarding was the “opposition” to Trump that Goldberg could actually make the false claim, in the New York Times no less, that Trump had become president “despite the will of a majority of the American people”. In fact, Trump had won a legitimate US presidential election. And far from forcing themselves on “an unwilling nation”, as Goldberg wrote, the Republicans retained control of both Houses of Congress, giving them both Congress and the presidency for the first time in 12 years.
Leave aside Goldberg, whose husband, a longtime paid political consultant to Democratic political campaigns, only stands to gain professionally from the apocalyptic political fantasies his wife gins up in her columns. Why, when Trump posed no actual threat to democracy in 2017, but when, in the alarmist liberal perspective that has reigned for eight years, he does in fact pose a threat to democracy now, do Goldberg and other liberals cry “Run for cover!” instead of “Resist!”
Why, from 2016-2020, did liberals compare Trump to Julius Caesar, Tiberius, Caligula, Nero, Hitler, Stalin, Mussolini, Franco, Salazar, Pinochet and Juan Peron, when he had done nothing to remotely justify the comparison, but now that Trump has truly consolidated his power and, by way of certain Cabinet choices, made clear his autocratic intentions, why does his mere blustering about revenge provoke calls for immunity rather than calls for heroic “resistance”? Was it easier to “resist” Trump when he posed no threat than it is now, when, having the support of the country’s majority, tech titans, the banking and finance sectors and even widening swathes of the media, he — again, along the lines of the erstwhile “resistance” — poses a true threat? Doesn’t more power mean the greater threat, which would require the greater “resistance”? Or is it the very fact that Trump has so much power now that has cowed the liberals, who worship power, into submission?
This author’s writing makes me tired. ‘Tis a bevy of words and a river of sad song, filled with divers biases and much malice towards all – I’m not quite sure what to make of this unexceptional piece. It is filled with “facts” and “data” that have a home mostly in the mind of their writer; backing is lacking.It didn’t have to be written, and it didn’t have to be read ….