Belfast's Casement Park stadium (Charles McQuillan/Getty Images)

Belfast was once described as “a conservationist’s nightmare”. Not much has changed. Vacant, dying buildings slouch on every other street. You notice the big ones first, places like the Crumlin Road Courthouse, a huge Victorian building cored out by decay. Then you notice the smaller buildings, the 19th-century shops and offices with mottled brickwork and buddleia exploding from their gutters. Eventually, something disturbing happens. You stop noticing these buildings at all. They are simply part of what Belfast’s city centre is these days.
The conservationist who found Belfast so nightmarish was called Charles Brett. A lawyer by trade, he was invited to join the National Trust’s Northern Ireland committee in 1956. When Brett asked the committee chairman what books he should read on Belfast’s architectural history, he was told that no such books existed. So he decided to write one himself. After eight years of research, Brett’s Buildings of Belfast was published in 1967. The work was completed “only just in the nick of time”.
Brett was referring to more than the Troubles; in fact, he complained that “the demolition men rival the bombers in coarse heartlessness”. His real ire was reserved for developers who razed historic buildings that might have been repurposed for modern use. He nursed a particular dislike for the various concrete shoeboxes imposed on Belfast in the Sixties: “Happily, many office blocks of this period are already suffering from the defects of their shoddiness, and, it may reasonably be hoped, will fall down soon.”
A portrait of Brett hangs in the offices of Ulster Architectural Heritage (UAH). I’m here to meet Sebastian Graham, the society’s Heritage at Risk Officer, one of the tiny number of people working to save Northern Ireland’s historic buildings from oblivion. UAH is based in the Old Museum Building, a handsome Greek Revival edifice built in 1831, filled with winding staircases and galleried salons. The place was used as an arts centre in the Nineties and still has an intact dressing room, the walls covered with mirrors and posters for Joe Orton plays. Today, the Old Museum Building is tired but magnificent. It’s appropriate that UAH is quartered in something of a project. After all, as Graham tells me, “vacancy is the big killer”.
UAH and other organisations have been fighting to preserve Northern Ireland’s built heritage for decades. There have been many successes. Hearth Historic Buildings Trust has restored numerous derelict properties, and is currently engaged in renovating Riddel’s Warehouse in Belfast, a project that has been ongoing since 2014. But despite the occasional “save”, Graham says that the overall situation is dire: “In Northern Ireland there’s more than 800 listed buildings at risk. That’s about 9% of our listed building stock. The figure in Scotland and Wales varies from 2% to 4%. So we’re essentially double the rest of the UK as to the [poor] condition of our built heritage.”
The last decade has been devastating for Northern Ireland’s architectural inheritance. In 2014, the government budget for the maintenance of historic buildings was £4.17 million. That pot was reduced to £500,000 in 2015 and has continued to shrink — Graham estimates that last year’s budget was in the region of £200,000. Today, the owner of a listed building can apply to the Roof and Window Repair scheme. This offers a maximum grant of £6,000, although thatched properties can be awarded double that. These piddling sums won’t cover the cost of meaningful repairs, especially when many projects require the expertise of specialist craftsmen. As Graham observes: “It’s not even a sticking plaster… Given the cost of everything with inflation, you’d barely get one or two windows done for that.”
Money isn’t the only problem. Foot-dragging developers present a serious threat to Belfast’s built heritage. The issue is exemplified by the Tribeca project, an urban renewal scheme designed to regenerate one of the city centre’s most dilapidated areas, a site of nearly 12 acres that contains a number of handsome Victorian buildings. Tribeca’s promotional video, two minutes of cod-poetic corporate guff voiced by Jamie Dornan, is slick and dead. The same appears true of Tribeca itself. Belfast City Council signed off on the scheme in January 2020, but nothing has happened since. The developers behind Tribeca, Castlebrooke Investments, have said that they are still trying to deliver a “commercially viable development”, and recently applied for a renewal of their planning application.
Meanwhile, the area has decayed further. Large stretches are dominated by empty shops, crumbling buildings and blank oblongs of scrub. Such dereliction leads to a decline in footfall, which in turn makes it considerably more difficult for the businesses that have managed to cling on. Graham singles out Keats and Chapman, a legendary second-hand bookshop on North Street, as an example of a business that has survived against the odds: “It’s the most beautiful array of books. But [people think] North Street, oh, it’s vacant, it’s all empty. You wouldn’t go near the place. Those wee independent businesses have really suffered from that, they’ve been the victim of this land banking.”
What’s bad for business is worse for historic buildings. The Assembly Rooms, built in 1769 and expanded in 1776, is arguably Belfast’s oldest public building. Sitting at the corner of Waring Street and North Street, this stuccoed Georgian pile presides over the “Four Corners”, the place from which all milestones from Belfast were once measured. Henry Joy McCracken and other leaders of the United Irishmen were court-martialled here in 1798. In later years it was used as a bank, before falling into disuse in 2000. Tribeca’s plans to turn the Assembly Rooms into a boutique hotel have failed to materialise. Now it lies derelict, its stained and peeling frontage nothing more than a home for weeds. Campaigners have called on Belfast City Council to intervene.
If such an intervention comes, it will be at odds with a prevailing culture of inertia. Graham is sympathetic to the challenges faced by Belfast City Council, who already have responsibility for a large number of important and vulnerable buildings. But something must be done to save unique places like the Assembly Rooms and the Crumlin Road Courthouse. The answer is certainly not more legislation. A proposed dilapidation bill doesn’t excite Graham: “We’ve already got the legislation but we’re not using it, so why bring in more legislation if no one’s going to enforce it?” He points out that compulsory purchase orders to preserve built heritage have been on the books for years. Yet these powers have only been used once — back in 2007.
The bill will be introduced by the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs (DAERA). This complicates matters. “DAERA have no say in historical built fabric, that’s Department for Communities. So we’ll have councils, we have the DfC, we’ll have DAERA… it’s a split responsibility and no one’s going to tackle the issue, no one’s going to grasp it. And you wait another 10 years and nothing has changed.” Graham likens the situation to an awkward dance, with boys on one side of the room and girls on the other, both groups refusing to take action.
But turning up to a dance is never enough; at some point you have to cross the floor. This is something that both Stormont and local government have consistently failed to do. Although Graham says that these issues are finally being discussed by politicians, it’s clear that the time for talk has passed. The collapse of the Executive between 2017-2020 and 2022-2024, combined with the disruption of Covid, has meant that built heritage has been all but ignored by Stormont for years. Many irreplaceable buildings in Belfast — and Northern Ireland — will not survive another sustained period of neglect. A case in point is Hilden Linen Mill, a large and beautiful building ripe for redevelopment, which was gutted by a suspected arson attack last week.
Buildings such as the Crumlin Road Courthouse and the Assembly Rooms are physical expressions of the city’s history. To lose them through indifference is a confession of sorts; a depressing admission that cultural amnesia might not be so bad after all. If that seems a little abstract, then there are more pragmatic reasons to preserve Belfast’s historic fabric. At a time when local government, architects, and developers are consumed by questions of sustainability, it makes sense to repurpose existing structures rather than replace them with new buildings, some of which will be replaced in turn within a few short decades. This regeneration would benefit practitioners of traditional building skills, and provide a stimulus for more young people to learn these important crafts. Tourism is a consideration, too — few visitors to Northern Ireland come for the new-build apartment buildings and plate-glass office blocks.
As Graham says, “There needs to be greater impetus and greater incentives to make use of the historic built fabric because it’s here, it’s ready for use. It might be in bad shape but it’s the morally right thing to do and it’s the environmentally better thing to do. And that can then transform those areas that have been neglected over time.”
It is depressing that such pleas have to be made at all. Very little appears to have changed since Brett’s time. If anything, the state of Northern Ireland’s built heritage seems worse than ever before. There is little government money and no government action. A small number of passionate people do what they can against Stormont’s indifference; few believe next month’s election will change anything. As a parting shot, I ask what Brett would make of the current situation. Graham’s mouth tightens into a wry smile. “I don’t think he’d be too impressed.”
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SubscribeThe SNP’s dream of independence has been rehearsed in elections and referenda and failed to convince enough people. To attract more support will require a more detailed explanation of how things could look after independence and how they could be better.
The practical consequences of independence are rarely addressed in detail by the SNP, probably because they would be too painful to endure unless you are really, really, determined to be independent whatever the cost – and that is not a characteristic of those who remain to be convinced.
When I go back home to Scotland, I always think what a joke it is that the national fantasy is to be like Scandinavia. It does help if you are serious minded and well educated if you wish to emulate them. That is not the 2022 Scots.
Perhaps Serbia or Croatia or Greece would be more realistic. Or if those are too far away, even Ireland.
My main about the SNP, though, is that they never give me the impression they are interested in the Scottish people, poorly educated, mired in substance abuse, and with an awful diet. They cannot even form families and have children any more.
So-called New Scots, now that would be something they could like!
Living in Stockholm for the last few decades and spending a lot of time in Scotland there are a couple of similarities but then there are no more. Both are backpedalling in terms of prosperity and are afflicted with a desire to support an immigrant influx which is a social and economic burden on society and the economy. In Scotland’s case the backpedalling will lead to 3rd world status and for Sweden it could be signalling the end of relative affluence and a high standard of living. Scotland’s many problematic issues behind this seem unsolveable as long as the current insane drive for independence dominates proceedings. As for the rest, the respective governments are underperforming, Sweden’s to a lesser extent considering Scotland’s doesn’t give a d.mn about the country’s wellbeing. Scotland should just be thankfull that it hasn’t yet inherited Sweden’s out of control social problems with gangland killings, widespread no-go suburbs and the degradation of law and order. Sweden’s govt is incapable of addressing such issues whereas Scotland’s is just cemented in cloud cuckoo land.
Scottish indepence is a solution without a credible problem.
And I say that as an ex-Scottish nationalist living in Midlothian.
As someone living in groundhog Day every election is like the previous one. Nothing changes and no one is interested in interested in change. The SNP vote is monolithic (both inside and outside Holyrood) and what goes on in Scotland hardly matters to anyone.
In 4 years’ time the SNP will be entering their third decade in power. That is a frightening thought!
If Scottish independence isn’t happening following Brexit, I can’t imagine what else would be enough to trigger it.
Things break down not up – they will be free soon enough.
More predictable British Nationalism from Unheard. Still the fundamental question remains, why should Scotland not be a fully functioning democracy. Why should our neighbours decide our country’s policies. Yet to hear a good reason from those who obsess about the SNP yet fail to grasp they are just a part of the independence movement. As for Braveheart ,grow up. That’s not our motivation,taking responsibility for our country is. We should be able to expect a bit more from Unheard.
Just two small points.
1) Surely that is what one gets in the EU? Neighbours deciding the policies? Okay, you get your say and your vote too, but so does Scotland in the UK.
2) The debate is ABOUT whether the rest of the UK should be just a neighbour to Scotland or if Scotland is a PART of the UK.
The debate is about whether Scotland should govern itself or be governed by our neighbours.
The EU is not comparable to Westminster in terms of powers. The UK never gave all its money and sovereignty away to the EU, to receive pocket money back.
That is not an accurate description of the present arrangement, as well you know: It is a combination of calculated mis-representation and rabid bigotry. The reason that Scotland has not withdrawn from the union is that a majority of Scots voted not to do so .
Perhaps the most effective route to “Freedom!” would be for you to campaign for the English to have a vote on the dissolution of the union. It would work on me Paul, because I do not wish to share a country with you.
I know that if you don’t hire your politicians and you cannot fire them then they don’t work for you.
No bigotry,no crying for freedom. Just a proper functioning democracy where Scots choose their own governments rather than foisted on them by their neighbours. Like democratic western nations do. After all as Brexit showed us England wouldn’t stand for anything less.
You have as much freedom as any English person in the UK and far more than you would have in the EU. But that is for the Scots to decide in a democratic way. So far they have refused to vote for freedom from their wicked English oppressors. Well in due course, maybe they will and then again, maybe they won’t, but in the meantime perhaps you could refrain from run around shouting “Freedom!” and “Braveheart!”, because, to be frank, it make you sound like an idiot.
Absolutely laughable.
Firstly ‘You’ were roundly defeated at Culloden, Vae Victis!
Secondly how many people actually pay tax in Scotland?
The Barnet Formula has kept ‘you’ in manner that quite frankly you are not entitled to.
”Go it alone” Scotland could be a functioning democracy if you turn a blind eye to issues of defence, geographic location, and the economic consequences. Then if EU membership is a decisive factor in attaining a more viable future your neighbours deciding policies would be located in Brussels and the other 27-30 (sooner or later) states. The thing is, Scotland is a country of dreamers, not everyone but too many of them. There are absolutely no factors or conditions where Scotland could be sucessful or economically viable. All the positives are massively outweighed by the negatives. 10 years ago I believed in independence as the only way to get rid of the shackles of a London/SE-centric government (eg. Crosslink,HS2, Fortess Heathrow, St.Pancras disconnect from Europe, just to take infrastructure investment as an example) and give Scotland a chance at establishing itself as a free standing (-defence) nation, albeit under Brussels. Now I’ve realised that there is no realistic possibilty of this, the problems are too many and the clowns in Holyrood are a level above the clowns in Westminster in terms of incompetence and blind power obsession.
“why should Scotland not be a fully functioning democracy”?
Because quite simply ‘you’ cannot afford it! Without the massive English subsidy you would resemble Ruanda or worse. But you must know this, so why keep up this embarrassing bleating?