'To put it mildly, we’re barely afloat' (Diego Herrera Carcedo/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)

Bakhmut, Donetsk Oblast
“I guess the Russians will be here in a week,” 65-year-old Viktor tells me as he sits on a bench chewing sunflower seeds in the empty streets of Bakhmut, eastern Ukraine. “I’ll stay of course — I have nowhere else to go. It’s fucking horrible. There’s no gas, and already my wife and I are preparing paraffin lamps for when the electricity goes. What else can we do?” Once a thriving industrial town centered on its vast salt mine, Bakhmut is now almost deserted as the bloody war in Ukraine’s Donbas region reaches deeper into Ukrainian government-held territory.
Entering Bakhmut, at the end of a long drive passed by military vehicles going towards the front, and ambulances and fuel trucks coming back, a line of black smoke clouds stands out against the blue sky as Ukrainian artillery pounded the Russian tanks approaching the city limits. Elite Russian forces, believed to include the 90th Guards Tank Division and the VDV paratroops who were so badly mauled in the failed encirclement of Kyiv at the beginning of the war, are now only around 5km to the east of Bakhmut, and 9km to the north. Images from social media indicate the Russian army has deployed its new, and rare BMPT “Terminator” vehicles, specifically designed for gruelling urban combat, on the approaches to the city, perhaps indicating preparation for an assault sooner than many observers expect.
Ukraine’s stunning and unexpected string of victories over the Russian invaders in the first phase of the war may have bred a sense of complacency in well-meaning outside observers. A narrative has evolved, particularly among Ukraine’s Western supporters, that the Russian army is a paper tiger, that its soldiers are a rabble of undermotivated conscripts and that its generals are inept. But here in the Donbas region, where the Russians have concentrated their forces behind a creeping, devastating wall of artillery firepower, Russia holds a clear advantage.
Lightly-equipped and poorly-trained Territorial Defence volunteers have been sent from Ukraine’s western regions to plug the gaps, as the grinding war of attrition by artillery takes its toll on the regular army. Outnumbered by seven to one in some areas, according to Ukraine’s President Zelenskyy, Ukrainian forces are outranged by Russian artillery and outmatched by newly-concentrated Russian armour. Russian language propaganda, rarely transcribed in Western narratives, is exultant: Ukrainians are bracing for the worst.

The Ukrainian government’s official messaging seems to be preparing the country for hard news, with Zelenskyy warning the nation that “the situation in Donbas is extremely difficult” as the Russians push towards Sloviansk and Severodonetsk. Last Thursday, Zelenskyy’s presidential advisor Oleksiy Arestovych warned that Russia is trying to create “a new Mariupol” in the Donbas, adding that “we are in a difficult situation, and it will get worse”, as “there may be encirclements, abandonment of positions, and heavy casualties” because “they have superiority in artillery and aviation… To put it mildly, we’re barely afloat.”
The day before I arrived in the Donbas, Russian troops captured the town of Lyman 20km northeast of Sloviansk, well within artillery range, and are now focusing their fire on the small town of Rayhorodok, the last settlement between Sloviansk and the Russian army. From the north and from the southeast, outside Bakhmut — the Russian pincer already threatening to encircle thousands of the Ukrainian army’s most experienced and best equipped forces is now arching wider to slowly squeeze Sloviansk itself.
Even as Ukrainian forces fortify the Donets river that is now their most valuable asset, a Russian breakthrough from the town of Popasna to the east, for years one of Ukraine’s best-defended positions, is endangering what remains of Ukraine’s narrow toehold in the Donbas. The open steppe landscape of the Donbas is harder terrain for Ukrainian troops to defend than the the thick forests of the country’s north, and it is now the Ukrainians who face the challenge of moving men and materiel across overextended supply lines, nearly 1,000 miles from the western cities where NATO military aid is arriving in heavily-publicised but sporadic deliveries
Ukraine’s industrial heartland, the Donbas region is divided between two provinces, Luhansk and Donetsk, both ravaged by eight years of conflict with Russian-backed separatist fighters. Today the Russians control more than half of Donetsk region, and 95% of Luhansk. The government in Kyiv now faces the difficult choice of either abandoning Severodonetsk to preserve its forces intact, handing Russia another sizeable victory after Mariupol and Lyman, or defending the city in what will likely be bloody and destructive urban fighting, risking the annihilation of its garrison if they are cut off from resupply.
At an impromptu press conference in Bakhmut, Luhansk’s regional governor Serhei Hayday, now effectively in exile from his own province, stepped out of an armoured van in full tactical gear, emblazoned with his nom de guerre “Ronin”, to summarise the situation. Forced out of his own regional base, Severodonetsk, by Russia’s grinding advance, Hayday insisted that Ukraine would one day recapture its lost territories in Luhansk, while hinting that a tactical withdrawal might soon be necessary.

“Our main goal is to win the war, not to win a battle for one city, Severodonetsk,” he told me, ”It’s a great pain for me, because it’s the administrative centre of Luhansk oblast and this is my native city. I was born there, I have a lot of connections with it. But I understand we need to preserve our soldiers, to regroup… If the retreat is necessary, well, such is the fate of the city. But we will win in the end.” As he spoke, a Russian shell crashed somewhere into the city behind him, setting off the car alarms around us. As for Bakhmut and Sloviansk in Donetsk, the Russians have not crossed the Donets river, Hayday told me, “but during the next two months they might advance. But we will stop them. The main thing is to receive Western help as soon as possible.”
For the Ukrainian army, long-range artillery that can match Russia’s concentrated and overwhelming resources is the only thing that can turn the tide. Earlier in Bakhmut, a soldier shopping for supplies at one of the last open mini-markets complained about the shelling he had undergone. “I’m just so tired, I need to sleep,” he sighed. At a medical facility in Bakhmut, before we were ordered away by a furious Ukrainian officer, army medics sat around smoking while lightly wounded soldiers limped away from treatment, and a soldier scrubbed a blood-soaked stretcher clean with a broom. While a great deal of effort has been expended by OSINT analysts on totting up Russian casualties, there has been far less interest in recording Ukrainian casualty figures, about which the Ukrainian government is guarded. Zelenskyy has recently announced that between 50 and 100 Ukrainian soldiers are killed every day in Donbas.
So far, Bakhmut itself has only been lightly shelled compared to the defensive lines being pummelled outside the city, but civilians have been killed, and nerves are fraught. “There are bombs, shells, shooting but here we still are,” 75-year-old Vladimir shrugged as he waited for a trolley bus, “My house is on the outskirts of the city and my windows are all shattered. But I’ll stay, it’s fine, what else can I do?”
Outside the mini-market, as Ukrainian troop convoys and volunteer ambulances rumbled through its handsome neoclassical boulevards, a 36-year-old woman who preferred not to be named complained about the situation for the last civilians left living in Bakhmut. “The Russians are bombing civilian houses, and my house was shaking from the impacts,” she told me, “People nearby were killed in their beds. Humanitarian aid is distributed chaotically, some people take all the food and some are left with nothing. There’s no order here, no cash left in the ATMs, and we have no bread. I can’t leave, I have a beautiful house here, I had a wonderful life in this city, we just want them all to go away and leave us to live like we did before.”
Bakhmut’s civilian police have reportedly already withdrawn from the city, apart from the detachments manning checkpoints on the outskirts, and the distribution of aid is difficult as government infrastructure crumbles under the pressure. Outside a local government building, civilian volunteers unloaded a white van piled high with loaves of bread sent from a bakery in Dnipro, four and a half hours’ drive away, to be delivered in the city and in nearby villages wracked by fighting. At a playground nearby, a pair of middle-aged women sat on a bench watching their young children scramble over the slides, whooping with joy in the early summer sun. “We are from Soledar,” a frontline town 15 km north on the road to Severodonetsk, Olena, a pharmacy worker, told me. “Everything is destroyed there, by tanks, by Grad rockets, everything.”
“We don’t want the Russians to come here,” her friend Svetlana added, shaking her head, “We don’t know where to go, we have small kids, all the factories are closed and we have no money to live anywhere else.”
In the nearby city of Sloviansk, talked up by Ukraine’s well-wishers as an impregnable fortress, the head of the Civil Military Administration, Vadim Lyakh is urging civilians to leave as soon as they can, before it’s too late. His posts on Facebook advertise the times of the buses out of the city he has organised, and alert the remaining civilians to the few ATMs and bakeries working on any particular day. Talking to the civilians under his care, he urges them to leave before Sloviansk suffers the same fate as the other cities in the path of Russia’s assault. But speaking to me in his office, as an air raid siren wailed outside the window, he sounded considerably more upbeat.
“The situation has been complicated here for a long period of time,” he told me. ”We were nearly encircled but our army helped to prevent it. They attacked from the direction of Izyum but our army stopped them. Now they try to advance through Lyman, but they are still fighting in Lyman and there is a river. So, now the situation is complicated but under control. Our troops are there, and there is a water barrier. I don’t think they`ll succeed. It is very hard.”
When I asked him how long he expected it to take until Sloviansk was itself the frontline, he shrugged, saying “I’m not a military expert. Everything depends on the Lend-Lease, and how fast the [American] weapons will get here. That’s what the experts say. The artillery will help us to defend and to counterattack.” But Britain’s Ministry of Defence has warned that “in the coming days, Russian units in the area are likely to prioritise forcing a crossing of the river”, and the longed-for long-range artillery from the West is yet to be signed off, let alone arrive. Meanwhile, the Russian armour massing outside Bakhmut, south of the Donets river, suggests time is running worryingly short.
With no cooking gas, its cafes and restaurants all shut, and few shops open, life in Sloviansk is increasingly uncomfortable for the remaining civilian population, running out of money as work evaporates. The air raid sirens wail all night, and the sound of outgoing artillery rumbles like thunder throughout the day. In the morning, civilians queue for cash at the few functioning ATMs, and by late afternoon the city’s streets are deserted. Outside his pet shop in Sloviansk’s city centre, I asked Ihor, 33, if he expected the Russians to come. “I guess it’s 50/50 now,” he shrugged, “they’re only a few kilometers away, you see the situation,” he said, gesturing at the loud crump of Ukrainian artillery firing another barrage at the Russians advancing from the north, “but I’m stockpiling food and water, and I’ll stay whatever happens.”
In the opening phase of the war, Ukraine’s regular and volunteer forces put up a valiant and stunningly effective defence against thinly-stretched Russian troops, who were seemingly unprepared for the level of resistance they would face. But if outside observers initially underestimated Ukraine’s willingness and capacity to fight back, now the danger is that they have underestimated Russia’s potential to inflict serious damage on Ukrainian forces and seize important territory. Massing their troops and artillery for slow, limited offensives, creeping behind a punishing wall of shellfire, the Russians are incrementally gaining ground while limiting their own casualties, and inflicting heavy damage to which Ukrainian forces are finding it difficult to respond.
Three months into a war that has so far seen a litany of stunning and unexpected Ukrainian victories, the momentum is now shifting towards Russian success in the Donbas. Over the medium and long-term, as Ukraine trains and equips new units with the heavy weapons arriving from the West, the pendulum may well swing back in the country’s favour. While many Ukrainians are certain of victory in the end, the sense of relief and optimism that marked the war’s springtime of victories is beginning to fade as Ukraine enters what will be a hard and bloody summer on the eastern front.
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SubscribeIf this is not the classic case of the pot calling the kettle black, I don’t know what is. After 4 years of suppressed Hunter Biden scams around the globe and money laundering, we have this before it even happens? Besides, isn’t seeking power and influence the main reason why people become involved in politics in the first place? It’s why it attracts only a certain type of person. Most honest folks wouldn’t last 8 hours in Washington.
I must have missed Fang’s article on the Clinton Foundation’s “charitable” endeavors.
Hey this is Lee Fang. You did miss it, maybe you didn’t look before you commented. I was the first to break many of the major Clinton Foundation foreign influence and corporate influence stories, including efforts by Morocco to use donations to the charity to curry influence.
I’ve also reported extensively about Chinese influence in American politics on both major political parties. I was the first to report Hunter Biden’s investments in a Chinese surveillance company and also broke the story of a Chinese billionaire buying the home of Obama’s ambassador to China and illegally funneling donations into a major SuperPAC. I am nonpartisan — I hold everyone accountable.
https://theintercept.com/2015/04/22/inside-morocco-clinton-influence-campaign/
https://theintercept.com/2017/06/02/hna-group-corruption-scaramucci-trump-jeb-bush-clinton-guo-wengui/
https://theintercept.com/2019/05/03/biden-son-china-business/
https://theintercept.com/2016/08/03/chinese-couple-million-dollar-donation-jeb-bush-super-pac/
a former Trump campaign staffer, who asked not to be named, told me.
What on earth does this mean? It should be clear by now that we’re sick and tired of this sort of comment. A campaign staffer. What does that mean? What does “former” mean, 2016, 2020, 2024 and why are they former? How close were they to decision making? Are they reliable or a total idiot. Do they have an axe to grind? Do they even exist?
Lee Fang is a highly respected independent journalist. This is what journalism does, use anonymous sources. Based on the credibility of the journalist, we can determine whether or not the sources are good. You seem very uninformed about how this works.
I wouldn’t be surprised if the source was Steve Bannon or Peter Navarro, or possibly even Lighthizer.
I’m well aware of anonymous sources and how they works, Your cheap shot is exactly that. The point is that the source was used to finish the piece and reflect what the writer was getting at, thereby giving his piece more credibility. It’s a pretty meaningless statement anyway. The interesting thing is that the anonymous quote has allowed you to fill in the gap with figures higher up in the food chain, thereby giving the quote more importance, when in fact it’s a statement with the inside knowledge of the doorman.
Are you the first person to put this information into the public domain? It is damned important and not what I would have expected from Trump.
No he’s not the first person to put this story into the public domain. There’s very little here to be concerned about. Wiles has done nothing illegal. There is no “story” in the story.
No surprise here. Just the beginning of what we can expect from the Democrats and all the hyenas in their camp. Obviously they are incapable of taking a good look at themselves, even though they’ve received a crushing and ignoble defeat. It’s not so much that they won’t look in the mirror as that they just don’t know how to do it. I’m sure we all know of someone like this. They’re actually crippled people who live with some patched-up idea of themselves to compensate for something gone wrong in their lives and they destroy everything around them in the process.
So governments shouldn’t be held to account by the press when hypocrisy or conflicts of interest occur? Or should it only happen when your preferred side aren’t in power?
So governments shouldn’t be held to account by the press when hypocrisy or conflicts of interest occur?
Your argument supposes that clients of a business enjoy perpetual devotion by owners of the business. Lobbying is a business, as is the practice of law. I suggest wait for acts, rather than support smears.
I don’t believe pointing out a potential conflict of interest in a woman just given a powerful government position is a smear personally. You’d be screaming blue murder if the opposition had something similar
Of course it’s a smear when it’s only a “potential” conflict. Are we now to be judged on what might happen in the future?
I take it you missed this part of the article: “John Kelly, a former Marine Corps. General, was an establishment figure who also spun through the revolving door and served on boards of several defence contractors. He later turned on Trump, accusing him of being a fascist who would govern as a dictator.”
Corrupt lobbyists and other political sellouts always return to the honeypot after leaving gov’t positions: see Scaramucci, Pence, etc. This woman sounds like a Republican version of the Podesta brothers.
If you mean having come from the corporate sector and having served her time as Chief of Staff she will then return to the corporate sector then yes you’re correct. But what’s unusual about that? From where do you think the government should recruit a Cabinet? Where would it find the people with the skills and experience?
You do have a point. Unfortunately all things media are now viewed with total distrust. We simply cannot trust what we read. Therefore we challenge everything. Stories will have to drop words like “presumably” for instance when trying to assert something they don’t seem to be able to prove, or stop including reasonably benign facts to give the piece more substance, as is done here with Nestle and Heinz. Just give us the facts then we’ll form our opinion, We don’t need others to do it.
NOW ties to China are an issue? Seriously? And how typical, the apocalyptic warning comes from an anonymous source. Perhaps this is all accurate but it also repeats the pattern that has led people to discount most media.
I think the media will continue to make it worse for themselves. It’s going to take a lot of work on the part of the media to turn Trump’s voters against him and in the process they’ll damage their reputation even more, all the while blaming Trump for their own demise.
Forget the anonymous source, do you not find her history extremely disturbing? And yes, most Trump supporters will consider her lengthy history of CCP company-lobbying to be an issue.
Having read the references and other stories I do not find her history “extremely disturbing”. Her history is very clear and available to the public. Nothing has been concealed. There is nothing illegal with companies lobbying the government. The company she is associated with operates legally as a consultancy to Chinese business and government. Wiles obviously has abilities that suit her new position. There may be moral considerations to be taken into account, but certainly not legal issues. Let’s see what eventuates before jumping to conclusions.
Ya. Not a good look at all. Ugh.
Oh what webs we weave as we plan to deceive
Ah but such are the ways of so called US Democracy now totally in the grip of lobbyists mainly from the Defense and Fossil Fuel Industries
A voting ballot paper in America is now only fit for hanging from your toilet roll holder
Here comes the new boss, same as the old boss!
Something I can see happening, and it’ll happen here in comments; most people who voted for Trump, more than likely, despise the Democrats and the media for their lies their deceptions and their policies. They won’t forget that in a long time. Because of that they’ll give Trump a lot of rope. They’ll ignore a lot of what the media might say about him, his cabinet and policies. The more the media try to pile in on the more his voters will ignore it. This is a total commitment both for Trump and against the left, which they associate with the Democrats.