I’m a feminist and I’m tired. Not of men, but of women. Of fellow feminists who want to deny the voices and stamp on the livelihoods of other women. Funnily enough, they don’t attack the voices and livelihoods of women who make monstrous sums of money from their brains, which would, even at a time of growing class warfare, cause uproar. They instead deny the voices and strangle the livelihoods of women who make money from their bodies.
The latest such attempt is visible in the “shocked” response to a sex worker support group – SWOP – being allowed a stall at Brighton University freshers’ fair. Quoted in The Guardian, feminist writer Julie Bindel argued “This is beyond disgraceful.” Sarah Champion MP took to Twitter to argue that Brighton University were “colluding with organised crime & abusers”. In fact, SWOP was making people aware of a support service for sex workers and handing out free contraception.
This is not the first time that feminists have come down hard on sex work. In the US, recent legislation has made it much harder for sex workers to have bank accounts and to use the web to advertise their services, share information and screen clients. Unlike virtually every other piece of Trump-era legislation, prominent feminists here in Britain have decided that it would be a good idea to import this legislation into the UK. Sarah Champion MP is leading the way.
In response, sex workers have held protests in Parliament Square. But few people seem to be listening – a bunch of clever women in positions of privilege are ignoring the voices of some of the most marginalised and certainly most stigmatised women in the country. I would be ashamed to be associated with such elitism, hypocrisy and unfairness.
The argument might at first seem innocent: that involuntary sex work needs to be tackled and that by trying to wipe out sex work you can reduce sex trafficking. Not only is this naively utopian and economically illiterate, but those recommending such legislation have failed to listen to and so properly consider the potential effect on voluntary sex workers. Economists Maria Laura Di Tommaso and Marina Della Giusta, for example, who have studied the sex trade for 15 years, found that the risks for sex workers, including of violence, “are higher where prostitution is criminalised”, and that criminalisation makes the detection of trafficking harder to identify.
Those who deny sex workers a voice trot out the same old mantra: that no sex worker is ever doing sex work voluntarily; that, in other words, voluntary sex work doesn’t exist. The arrogance is remarkable: how can any woman presume to know what is going on in the mind of another woman, let alone the many thousands of women who do indeed classify themselves as voluntary sex workers?
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