How the savings of the poor changed the world
Then again, the tendency for capital to flow from developing economies to developed ones is not limited to the Chinese case. It’s pretty much a universal pattern, at least in recent decades. This is known as the Lucas Puzzle, which is named after the economist Robert Lucas, who described the phenomenon back in 1990.2 His fellow economists have been trying to figure it out ever since.
There are various theories that apply to various countries to varying extents, but what does appear to be a common factor – and, indeed, the root cause – is that people in emerging economies save a much bigger proportion of their incomes than they do in the West (and thus generate a pool of capital that needs investing somewhere).
“It is forgotten that the Chinese economic miracle got its start in the countryside, not the cities”
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Though one might assume that people in richer countries are in a better position to be the bigger savers, people in poorer countries have the greater incentive. If a country becomes rich enough that typical incomes rise above subsistence level, but still too poor to afford a social security system, then its people must save – or starve in old age (which they are now more likely to reach).
Something else that happens to countries when they escape poverty is that birthrates – and, hence, family sizes – come tumbling down, which puts paid to the traditional social security system of having lots of children and grandchildren to support you in your dotage. China’s one-child policy is an especially extreme example of this demographic phenomenon. Introduced in 1979, it coincided with Deng Xiaoping’s economic reforms. The latter freed China’s people to make enough money to save some of it, the former made it essential that they do so.
Finally allowed to profit from their labour (and accumulate savings) the explosion of enterprise from China’s peasantry, took the government by surprise – as Deng himself admitted in 1987:3
“The result was not anything I or any other comrades had foreseen; it just came out of nowhere.”
Today, it is forgotten that the Chinese economic miracle got its start in the countryside, not the cities – and that it was the spontaneous action of ordinary people, not central government planning that got it all going. However, through its control of the banking system, the state had a monopoly over the use of all those savings – a near-inexhaustible source of artificially cheap capital that was ploughed into the development of China’s industrialised export capacity. Growth thus begat more growth – and the accumulation of ever more capital. So much money, in fact, that not even China’s investment-led economy could absorb it all.
“In this respect, Xi Jinping is the world’s most powerful capitalist – quite a distinction for the world’s number one communist.”
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Xi Jinping gets a grip
Whether directed by the state, or by privately owned enterprises, or by China’s burgeoning middle class (only America has more people on salaries of $40,000 and above),4 vast sums of Chinese capital have been invested abroad. For instance, over the last decade, Chinese purchases in Europe include the Greek port of Piraeus, the Swedish car company Volvo, the Swiss pharma giant Syngenta and, of course, numerous helpings of London real estate.5
Western concerns about China’s shopping spree are, mirrored by Chinese concerns about the outflow of so much wealth. Things got so bad that by 2016 that the central bank was intervening to prop-up China’s currency (how times change).6
Xi Jinping likes nothing more than getting a grip – which he has done with the aid of tighter exchange controls and a shift to a more consumption-orientated economic policy. Fears of wholesale capital flight have subsided. Indeed, the net flow of capital is, for now, in positive territory, i.e. more flowing in than out.
So does that mean that Peter Thiel and Donald Trump can stop worrying? A China that is less export-orientated than it used to be, that won’t let its currency fall too low, and is keeping capital flows in balance, is surely less disruptive than it used to be.
And yet the potential for imbalance is huge. According to Michael Howell, managing director of CrossBorder Capital, China has accumulated $35 trillion in ‘liquidity’ – i.e. savings plus credit. This amounts to 27% of the global sum total – a proportion that has more than doubled over less than a decade, overtaking America’s share.7
Tweeting about Donald Trump last month, Kanye West vouchsafed that “we are both dragon energy”.8 I would suggest that the real ‘dragon energy’ in the world today is the power that the Chinese Government has over such a vast pool of capital.
In this respect, Xi Jinping is the world’s most powerful capitalist – quite a distinction for the world’s number one communist.
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