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It was last October, to some astonishment, that the radical right populist party, Alternativ für Deutschland – founded in 2013 – took 12.6% of the vote in Germany’s general election. It won 94 seats in the 502 seat Bundestag to become the main element in an opposition block which has trebled (from 128 to 310 seats) since the previous parliament and whose other elements are the Greens, the liberal FDP and Die Linke.
The party, founded by a bunch of eurosceptic academic economists, became the most vociferous critics of Chancellor Merkel’s 2015 invitation welcoming refugees to Germany, coalescing, in part, with those who took to the streets to protest this.
It did especially well in the former GDR, gaining most votes from ex-Communists in the far left Die Linke, and in a region which – if it were a separate country – would have the oldest population in Europe. There aren’t many asylum seekers there, though people can watch their depredations on the telly.
Appropriately enough, the densest concentrations of AfD voters coincided with what, in GDR times, was dubbed ‘The Valley of the Clueless’ (Tal der Ahnungslosen) because it was out of range of West German television. The party also did well in parts of Bavaria, it being no coincidence either that in polls, 80 per cent of AfD supporters across Germany would have liked to have voted for the CSU – which is usually more rightly robust than the CDU – were it not confined to its arch-Catholic homeland.
So how have things been going since that autumnal electoral earthquake?
The AfD members look much like other German politicians and do not have horns on their heads. They like to emphasise their outsider credentials, turning up early and photographing the sea of empty places around them when there is an important debate. They talk a great deal about migration, Islam, and threats to German identity. Since the German Bundestag suffers from an atonal torpor, it may be good that it now sounds more like the British House of Commons. Or maybe not.
At first, the governing CDU/CSU and SPD coalition and the FDP liberals and Greens simply acted as if the AfD weren’t there, or at least shunned even the most casual engagement with them like a cheery ‘Guten Tag’ in the corridors. They did not block them becoming chairpersons of the budget and other parliamentary committees. But they do hope that the AfD will live up to its fissiparous track reputation, with too many warring chiefs and Indians whose loyalties may prove fickle.
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