July 17, 2024 - 4:00pm

Are we witnessing the end of tech’s domination by California — and the Left? Elon Musk announced yesterday that he’s moving the SpaceX and X headquarters from the Golden State to Texas. At almost the same moment, investors Marc Andreessen and Ben Horowitz announced on their podcast that they’re endorsing Donald Trump, citing Trumpian policies on cutting-edge tech that are far more aligned with their aspirations for America’s future.

This crystallises a trend that’s been visible for some time, and which was explored in depth earlier this year by the always-prescient N.S. Lyons. I predicted in April that this “Progressive Right” would emerge victorious among the assorted agendas currently wrestling for control of the conservative movement. And lo and behold, America’s most cutting-edge technologists are coalescing behind Trump — providing heavyweight endorsements and new funding sources that will, they hope, translate into more friendly relations with the White House after November.

Musk, of course, has been a bête noir for the Biden administration for some time, having prised a major consensus-formation tool from progressive fingers in the name of “free speech” and been subjected, perhaps coincidentally, to lawsuits from all quarters. When Musk announced the Tesla HQ move, he declared that “the final straw” was new state rules on how and when schools must disclose pupils’ gender wishes to parents, which included a ban on schools requiring disclosure.

And perhaps that was the final straw. But Musk also mentioned “the many other [laws] that preceded it, attacking both families and companies”. At least some of what he’s referencing here is likely to be the increasingly adversarial relation between Biden’s Democrats and the tech sector, which has included a slew of policies aimed at regulating and constraining cutting-edge technologies such as crypto, AI, and biotech.

If social media was broadly Left-liberal in sensibility, with the biggest firms becoming progressive political actors in their own right, these newer fields of innovation are often fiercely resistant to such collectivist moral constraints. Crypto, for example, is strongly libertarian: the whole point is to cut the state out of currency creation. As for AI, in order to function usefully its pattern recognition capabilities must accurately reflect reality. So for innovators in the field, “AI bias” obligations seeking to constrain, say, an AI’s ability to surface or express politically incorrect patterns look less like progress in protecting vulnerable people than obstacles to progress in tech development in the national interest.

This faction is now firmly behind Trump. Andreessen and Horowitz are evidently on friendly dining terms with the former president — and as they put it, only the Orange Man is promising to “champion innovation”, in sharp contrast to the Biden administration’s “brutal assault” on the nascent crypto industry. As Andreessen sees it, under a Democratic government the “default path” for AI would be a “reign of terror” in regulation, comparable to the one they complain of in crypto, which would mean the industry is “in profound trouble”.

They contrast this approvingly with Trump’s proposal to “build the greatest economy in history”, promising to repeal Democrats’ regulatory constraints on AI, eliminate “radical Leftwing ideology”, and promote AI development “rooted in free speech and human flourishing”. In their view, AI will be transformative, including in warfare, and could deliver “the biggest technological boom of all time” provided it’s freed to play out.

When we put these sentiments together with the nomination of the tech titans’ favourite J.D. Vance as the Republican VP, the elite counterpart to Trump’s mass coalition comes into focus. This matters: for as historian Peter Turchin argues, the “silent majority” will have very little effect unless a mass movement gains elite support. This is especially true given that the Republican masses have for some time now coded increasingly lower-status: Vance himself reportedly described them in 2016 as, whether they liked it or not, “the party of lower-income, lower-education white people”.

The question has therefore been which subsets of the elite would break Republican. In tech, this is now clear: where Obama’s allies in the industry were social media platform moguls, Trump’s are crypto, AI, and biotech investors eager to accelerate America into a new Golden Age of innovation. Time will tell how aligned their aspirations are with those of the broader American public, but one thing seems increasingly clear: they have the (bandaged) ear of a man who may be about to become president again.


Mary Harrington is a contributing editor at UnHerd.

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