March 20, 2025 - 8:15pm

No judge is in danger of being impeached by Republicans, and no Supreme Court justice is in danger of being impeached by Democrats. After the fall of Roe, Democrats started to threaten one-sided impeachments of GOP-appointed justices. Republicans are now calling for the impeachment of Judge James Boasberg, who on Saturday sought to block Donald Trump’s deportation of Venezuelan migrants. Both parties lack the political power to pull off these votes, which would require two-thirds of the Senate, but outrage from the political class misses half of the story.

Conservative Chief Justice John Roberts took the unusual step of issuing a statement this week to rebuke calls for Boasberg’s impeachment. But as the law professor Josh Blackman points out, there was no such statement to rebuke high-profile Democrats’ entirely politicised calls for his fellow conservative justices to be impeached last year. There wasn’t, for example, a single peep from Roberts after Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez called to impeach Samuel Alito, or when Democrats demanded the same of Clarence Thomas. Similarly, he did not release a statement when Sen. Ron Wyden called on then-President Joe Biden to ignore a ruling on mifepristone, as some on the Right are doing now with Boasberg. “I realise that Chief Justice Roberts is hitting the panic button,” adds Blackman, “but his protest has started a bit too late.”

It’s very easy to get caught up in moral panics over Trump’s ostensible norm-breaking. That is, after all, the point: the White House is embarking on a self-described “revolution” in DC.  Trump is very deliberately and openly shattering certain norms, so it’s not unreasonable to worry about him violating ones we should still value highly. But on this issue, Roberts may have been swept up in the Beltway hysteria.

We could argue all day about who started this tit-for-tat doom spiral, going all the way back to Lyndon Johnson. What’s clear, though, is that writing stories, slinging commentary on cable news, and putting out statements like Roberts’ — which implicitly pointed the finger only at MAGA — makes the situation worse. It’s untrue and it inflames tensions. There are real consequences to this reflexive imbalance, like convincing Trump’s allies that the only recourse is to go into norm-destroying hyperdrive.  (Although, as legal writer Margot Cleveland helpfully explains, Trump himself has thus been relatively resistant to this.)

Michael Anton’s seminal “Flight 93 Election” essay reacted to this dynamic. A Clinton presidency, Anton argued in 2016, “will be coupled with a level of vindictive persecution against resistance and dissent hitherto seen in the supposedly liberal West only in the most ‘advanced’ Scandinavian countries and the most leftist corners of Germany and England”. This lead Anton, who now works in the State Department, to reasonably ask: “So what do we have to lose by fighting back?”

This is the consequence of one-sided analyses of America’s judicial system: it leaves the Right with the sense that it’s out of options. On Roberts, Blackman wrote: “the Constitutional Crisis is a coin with two sides. Trump causes judges to overact, and judges cause Trump to overreact. Any resolution must be bilateral, not unilateral.”

This line is chilling because that task is so essential but feels impossible. Whether or not you think Trump started this fight, it’s clear everyone is now playing dirty, and there’s nobody left to call balls and strikes, which leaves all involved with less incentive to play by the rules. Even when one team does, it gets penalised.


Emily Jashinsky is UnHerd‘s Washington D.C. Correspondent.

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