March 6, 2025 - 7:30pm

Donald Trump’s flurry of activity since taking office has had major ripple effects, and some of those waves have now reached the bench of the Supreme Court. On Wednesday, the court blocked Trump’s attempts to pause disbursements of foreign aid. Some of the changes from the President’s first month back in the White House will ultimately survive but, for the time being, many of those waves are breaking against a hostile and rocky shore.

Is this simply Deep State resistance and bitter-end anti-Trumpism? Or is it the natural reaction of the judiciary to unprecedented changes in the laws of the country? Ultimately, it’s both.

Some of the President’s initiatives were initially designed to provoke court challenges. His Executive Order purporting to remove birthright citizenship from children born in America to illegal immigrant parents, for example, defies more than a century of case law and conventional wisdom. It’s a significant change that went over the head of Congress and the courts. That was always going to be challenged, and Trump’s goal may just have been to force the Supreme Court to weigh in. Resistance was anticipated and factored into the strategy.

Other policy decisions, though, seem more narrowly calculated to stay within the traditional powers of the American chief executive. Statutes and case law give the president wide — though not unlimited — power over the federal workforce. But every firing has been held up in court challenges that seek to impose the will of the unelected judiciary over that of the executive, even when it comes to managing executive branch employees. Likewise, every grant of federal money, no matter how ridiculous or absurd (such as research on transgender mice) is now championed by Democrats as essential to the integrity of the American republic.

Cuts to the federal workforce and to eccentric spending earmarks are far from unpopular with the public; and in the intense pushback in the courts, Democrats may be overplaying their hand. We might expect resistance to the changes in citizenship law, given that it will have real, permanent effects on millions of people. But when Democrats take to the barricades to protect, for example, “eight million dollars to promote LGBTQI+ in the African nation of Lesotho”, they appear completely out of touch with the American people.

Trump’s political opponents can’t help falling into this trap. They scream that he is maniacal, crazy, a would-be dictator with no respect for the rule of law or the norms of American politics. And then they immediately trash those laws and norms in an equally maniacal attempt to stop him.

“Democracy dies in darkness!” they cry, and then try to exclude Trump from the ballot. “He will go after his enemies in court!” they worry, after having done the same to him on flimsy charges. One Democrat held up a sign during Trump’s Tuesday speech saying “this is not normal”, and minutes later another Democratic congressman was ejected from the chamber for the decidedly not-normal offence of heckling the President of the United States during an address to Congress.

The courts are skewered on the horns of the same dilemma. Should they try to be normal and enforce executive decisions they oppose, or should they resort to abnormal twisting of the law to fight back? By choosing the latter, they will be undermining their own legitimacy and non-partisan credentials. When it comes to foreign aid, two of the court’s conservative justices joined the three liberals in opposing the administration’s halt. It may be that the Trump-friendly judges want the court to appear independent and thereby neutralise complaints that it is compromised. But this only delays the inevitable — the case will return to the Supreme Court and every justice will have to take a side.

Trump is not normal: that’s why he won. But his real talent is that in every action — normal or abnormal — he provokes the opposition to such paroxysms of rage that they look equally abnormal, if not even more so. Democrats think they have an advantage attracting people who seek a return to normalcy. Then they immediately throw it away by using cringeworthy tactics to back fringe policies. Is it any wonder that Trump won in November?


Kyle Sammin is the managing editor of Broad + Liberty. Follow him on Twitter at @KyleSammin.