March 28, 2024 - 10:00am

Donald Trump is riding high. He demolished his Republican rivals in his party’s primaries without even bothering to show up to debate them. The Supreme Court found in his favour when Colorado tried to take him off the state ballot. Now not only is Trump beating US President Joe Biden in the polls, he is also prising apart the Democratic Party’s stranglehold on America’s minority vote, as he accumulates ever more support among US black and Latino voters.

Despite all this, and whoever wins the US presidential election in November this year, it is increasingly clear that the political phenomenon of Trumpism is over. The signs have been there for a while now, but it was most obvious in Trump’s recent interview with GB News presenter Nigel Farage, where he explicitly rolled back from his threats to pull the US out of Nato.

The shilly-shallying with Nato is classic Trump: a bold and dramatic sally, and then a quick fumbling retreat back to conventional lines. It is a political style combining the cut and thrust of the New York real estate market and municipal politics with the canny artifice of reality TV and social media. It is a style suited to dominating new cycles and fluffing up stock market valuations, but it is not intended to build new institutions and structures.

In this case, rather than clearing away the legacy of outdated 20th-century alliances, Trump’s bluffing about Nato is a straightforward shakedown, intended to scare European governments into spending more on defence in order to relieve the burden on the US. His retreat on the matter will set the pattern for his presidency if he wins another term in office.

It is worth recalling that very little new came out of Trump’s first term in office. Beyond the populist grandstanding, his big tax cuts comprised the standard Republican domestic fare; to that extent it was, as the political scientists would have it, an “ordinary presidency”. Trump’s clumsy trade war with China has been refined, expanded and systematised by the Biden administration. For all his bluster about being the anti-war candidate, the US withdrawal from Afghanistan was carried out under Biden in 2022, while Trump was forced to backtrack on a promise to take US troops out of Syria.

The former president repeatedly fumbled the administrative levers that would have allowed him to deliver on electoral promises, instead finding himself reduced to fending off insistent conspiracy-mongering that he was a Russian agent and wasting political energy that could have been spent on policy.

His opponents fear a second Trump presidency will be a more solid, sophisticated and professional effort, with the Heritage Foundation having marshalled teams of technical experts and dense policy plans to guide him. But these teams are intended to contain Trump, not empower him. This new caste of mandarins will doubtless find ways to flatter Trump’s vanity and keep him distracted while they set about constructing a new administrative state built around tariffs and geopolitical rivalry with China. Far from draining the swamp, his newfound followers will populate it with MAGA-supporting bureaucrats.

Trump’s concession to Nato shows that, just as the national populists have been absorbed by the EU, he is being absorbed by the Blob. He is en route to becoming the Giorgia Meloni of Washington DC, and a second term will confirm what has already been evident to Europeans for some time now: the age of the populist insurrection at the ballot box is drawing to a close. The real political question is what will happen when voters realise that populists cannot offer meaningful change. Or in other words: what comes after Trump?


Philip Cunliffe is Associate Professor of International Relations at the Institute of Risk and Disaster Reduction, University College London. He is author or editor of eight books, as well as a co-author of Taking Control: Sovereignty and Democracy After Brexit (2023). He is one of the hosts of the Bungacast podcast.

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