March 31, 2025 - 10:40am

Even those who have no sympathy for Labour should be horrified at the abject sight of a British government, of whatever persuasion, being treated with such obvious contempt as Keir Starmer has been by the Sentencing Council.

The Sentencing Council is a quango which issues “guidance” (so-named but largely mandatory) to judges. Created by Gordon Brown a month before the 2010 election, it and its predecessors’ purpose was to restrict judges’ discretion over sentencing so that punishment for the same crime didn’t vary enormously depending on which court they were tried in, or which judge presided.

Justice Secretary Shabana Mahmood expressed in the strongest terms her objections to the Council’s plans to establish a two-tier sentencing regime (it proposes to guarantee certain identity groups a pre-sentencing report, which almost invariably leads to a more lenient sentence).

The quango’s response? First, a deeply misleading public letter to Mahmood; now, open defiance. After the PM signalled his willingness to change the law to stop the introduction of “two-tier” sentencing guidelines, the Sentencing Council for England and Wales has refused to back down on its guidance. This puts Starmer in a deeply invidious position.

If he legislates to overrule the Council’s new “guidance”, as Mahmood has suggested, he risks further upsetting his own party, which is already feeling mutinous after successive welfare cuts. What’s more, he’d be handing a significant win to Robert Jenrick, who recently tabled his own bill to that effect which the Government rejected. But if Starmer doesn’t intervene, he will humiliate his Justice Secretary and deeply undermine any future attempt to exert ministerial pressure on the quasi-autonomous state.

The Prime Minister can be forgiven if he feels aggrieved by this; for while the Sentencing Council is a Labour creation, the Tories must take the lion’s share of the blame for the imminent arrival of “two-tier justice”. After all, it was the Conservatives who not only presided over the appointment of the Council’s current membership, several of whom are entirely open about their veneration of identity politics, but who in 2016 appointed David Lammy to conduct a review into racial bias in the justice system.

His report was the spur for the new guidelines, and in choosing him David Cameron and Theresa May all but wrote the conclusions themselves. Clearly, evidence from the Ministry of Justice about systemic discrimination by juries against white defendants seems to have escaped their notice.

Did either Conservative leader really intend for it to get this far? Probably not. It’s not inconceivable that they didn’t think all that deeply about it. The Lammy Review, like May’s talk of “burning injustices” (which rather pre-empted her own review), was a nice thing to announce; its subsequent mutation into the new guidelines proceeded unchecked because nobody wanted to be the nasty person opposing it in the meetings.

But if the current row has put a spotlight on anything, beyond the sheer extent to which MPs have outsourced their jobs to quangos, it is the way these sugar-rush announcements can bake bad ideas into the structure of government.

Even if the public mood has turned against identity politics — and Mahmood would not have intervened so forcefully if she did not think it had — there is now a sprawling apparatus of semi-public bodies driving it forward anyway. Nowhere is this problem more pronounced than within the judiciary: for good historic reasons, a judge is formidably difficult to remove from their post, and can sit the bench for decades.

The Sentencing Council’s brazen disregard for Parliament is all the more remarkable because some judges clearly smell danger in growing public scrutiny. Only last month Baroness Carr, the Lady Chief Justice (and chair of the Sentencing Council), launched a wildly over-the-top attack on both Starmer and Kemi Badenoch for daring to criticise an asylum decision.

A more prudent strategist might have at least tried to take the heat out of the issue. Instead, she and her colleagues have thrown down the gauntlet and made the row over PSRs a trial of strength between themselves and Parliament. The question now is whether Starmer will seize this opportunity to root out the rot — and whether, deep down, his party wants to.


Henry Hill is Deputy Editor of ConservativeHome.

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