January 21, 2025 - 7:00am

Social housing sits right at the intersection of two of Britain’s thorniest political problems: mass immigration and the housing crisis. With millions of working citizens grappling with spiralling bills and mortgage rates, the question of who receives subsidised housing will only become more pressing.

Even without the immigration angle, it was only a matter of time before voters noticed that broad swathes of central London and other prime locations are currently used to house others at taxpayers’ expense. This happens while those taxpayers have to accept long commutes from the suburbs and grapple with the ever-rising cost of housing.

But there is no escaping the immigration dimension. According to the Office for National Statistics, almost one in five social households are headed by somebody born overseas; in London, this rises to 48%.

Tom Calver, Data Editor at the Times, said on Sunday that the eye-catching data “falls down” because most foreign-born social housing tenants are not new arrivals, but have in fact “been here for decades”. There is a problem with this line of thought, though. None of the migration sceptics highlighting the scarcity of social housing have made recent immigration part of their argument. If anything, it is they who have been pointing out that the current system ignores the long-term net cost of someone who moves here for work but, say, ends up in social housing.

The case for mass immigration is made in economic terms: that those who come here to work are net positives for the nation as a whole. But if someone ends up in social housing and costs the state, shuffling them out of the debit column because they’ve been here a while is just crooked accounting.

This is fertile territory for the Right. Historically, opposition to mass immigration has been strongest in so-called “left-behind” areas — which, somewhat ironically, have often experienced it least. Housing creates an obvious link between immigration and the material struggles of aspirational working-age voters in big cities and the South. No wonder Nigel Farage is now talking about it.

Progressives have spotted the danger, now that the social housing debate has broken into the mainstream. But they’re struggling to come up with a persuasive counter-argument. Most effective is perhaps the point, made by Professor Rob Ford, that the great majority of foreign-born people in social housing are British citizens, and therefore have the same entitlement to the state’s resources as anyone else.

Ford makes a more compelling case than Calver, but it still doesn’t stack up. An immigrant doesn’t stop being an immigrant upon receiving citizenship, and a British passport doesn’t retroactively justify the decision to give it to someone. If large numbers of arrivals end up in social housing, barring cases such as refugees, it is a total failure of immigration policy. Trying to avoid scrutiny because we’ve given those people citizenship will only focus attention on our very generous approach to handing it out.

Calver also makes the point that there isn’t a problem because the share of foreign-born social households is almost exactly in line with their share of the overall population, both in London and nationally. But this is baffling logic. Unlike the birthright citizenry, immigrants are supposed to have passed a selection process whereby they will be a net economic gain for the country. If the justification for mass immigration is the import of workers who will be a net benefit to Britain, their share of social housing tenants matching their overall population share represents an extraordinary failure.

We don’t import people to use the welfare system. Billions worldwide would benefit from being able to use the NHS, but only tens of millions have the right to do so. A welfare state can’t function as a universal dispensary attached to an angry and under-served national tax base. If the major parties don’t wake up to that, their oversight will only make voting for Reform UK and Farage — who have explicitly addressed this issue — more persuasive.


Henry Hill is Deputy Editor of ConservativeHome.

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