January 22, 2025 - 7:00am

As Scotland edges closer to devolved elections in 2026, attention is increasingly turning not only to who will win that contest, but to which party will consequently form a government.

The Scottish Parliament’s electoral system is deliberately designed to avoid any one party being able to form a majority and, with the notable exception of the late Alex Salmond’s extraordinary triumph in 2011, no party has succeeded.

In the first Holyrood elections in 1999, even Scottish Labour in its pomp had to enter a formal coalition with the Scottish Liberal Democrats to secure a majority. In more recent years, Nicola Sturgeon and then Humza Yousaf supported a disastrous partnership with the pro-independence Scottish Green Party, creating an administration obsessed with identity politics and determined to pursue a thoroughly anti-business agenda.

On its current trajectory, the SNP is again — despite the reputational damage of Operation Branchform — remarkably on course to be returned as Scotland’s largest party, albeit still short of a majority. In that event, a new Survation poll has suggested the most popular coalition government post-2026 would not be the Nationalists and the Greens, or even Labour and the Liberal Democrats, but a grand coalition of the SNP and Labour.

Such a tie-up does, on paper, make sense. Both parties are notionally centre-left and agree on issues such as the winter fuel payment. Scottish Labour leader Anas Sarwar also recently announced his party would be abstaining on the SNP’s latest budget, effectively allowing it to pass, because it committed to removing the two-child benefit cap in Scotland. This was albeit at an unspecified later date and with no money set aside to pay for it. Equally, given the shambolic years of the SNP-Green agreement, it is no surprise Scottish voters are less inclined to favour returning to those dark days.

As former SNP MP Stewart McDonald observed last year: “A coalition between the SNP and Labour, Scotland’s two dominant centre-left parties — similar to the Irish model that saw Fine Gael and Fianna Fail rotate the office of taoiseach — is one we might want to consider in the event of a messy result in 2026.”

Yet the political reality makes such a coalition between the SNP and Labour impossible. Scottish Labour, long confused on the issue of independence, has got its house in order under Sarwar and would be unable to govern alongside a party committed to a second referendum on secession. For their part, the Nationalists could never agree to drop their demands for one. Similarly, the rivalry between the two parties is simply too strong for a government to be effective. Both have been duking it out for dominance for decades, and it feels very much like one party needs to lose for the other to win.

This is not to suggest, however, that talk of a potential SNP-Labour agreement is without consequence. The Scottish Conservatives, struggling amid a surge in support for Reform UK, will welcome the opportunity to try and pull many of Scotland’s unionist voters back from Labour. Meanwhile for the SNP, any narrative that suggests voting Labour does not offer change from the status quo is almost surely helpful electorally.

A week is a long time in politics, never mind 15 months. But the political chasm between Scottish Labour and the SNP is unlikely to shrink before the next election: 2026 could be a messy year in Holyrood.


Andrew Liddle is a political commentator and historian based in Edinburgh.

ABTLiddle