November 11, 2024 - 7:00am

One theory for the bumpy first few months of Britain’s new government is that it is frontloading the unpopular and difficult parts of its policy agenda. Meanwhile, according to this theory, Keir Starmer’s Labour is planning — or hoping — that healthy economic growth and the effectiveness of its reforms will deliver more popularity towards the end of the party’s term. I’m not sure I buy this, but I can see why people have latched on to it.

It’s hard to understand otherwise why Government ministers would allow it to be known that they are throwing their weight behind further local authority experiments with a four-day working week. The appearance, at least, is that Government organisations and their workers are being cosseted and protected from difficult economic headwinds, in a way that the private sector is not. This impression is heightened by the generous pay settlements awarded to various groups since July, notably Tube drivers, nurses and junior doctors.

Some of these pay deals are reasonable on merit, but nevertheless a hard sell in the current climate. By some measures, public-sector productivity has been flat for the better part of 20 years; hardly anyone disputes that it has seen minimal improvement since Covid-19, which will soon be half a decade ago.

It is true that many private-sector employers have also experimented with shorter working weeks or unusual working patterns, perhaps making a virtue of necessity in the post-pandemic landscape, when the expectation of remote and flexible working has become routine for those operating in the knowledge economy. A few firms have tried an “unlimited annual leave” approach, in which employees are given a huge amount of leeway around when they work, as long as they meet targets and deliver specific projects. There are probably gains to be made and lessons to be learnt from that kind of innovation, especially in fields that rely on highly specialised work from a relatively small number of qualified individuals.

However, the fundamental fact remains that, in the private sector, those experiments are always subject to market discipline, and so it is much harder to dodge the question of whether they genuinely lead to more effective working. If Amalgamated Widgets Plc. finds that a four-day week means 10,000 widgets being produced every month rather than 9,000, then it is highly likely that the practice does have genuine benefits for the company.

This calculation is harder to make clearly in the public sector, though. A recent pilot in Cambridgeshire did find that a four day-week either improved or did not affect productivity across many areas of the council’s work. But important questions remain about the reproducibility of that research in other parts of the country, and whether it is genuinely possible to apply rigorous productivity measures to local authority work in the same way we might with a private company. Purely as a political question, the average taxpayer might take some persuading that there are no negative consequences to public servants receiving a three-day weekend, every weekend.


Niall Gooch is a public sector worker and occasional writer who lives in Kent.

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