March 17, 2025 - 10:00am

The media has been awash with claims that, in order to cut the ballooning welfare bill, Keir Starmer and Rachel Reeves have set their sights on PIP (Personal Independence Payments). These help with extra living costs for people with long-term physical or mental health conditions or disabilities, and the move has been met with howls of rage from around 80 Labour MPs. Many are telling any journalist who will listen that they are willing to rebel on the issue.

There is no doubt that this is bad news for Starmer. Complaints are coming from across the party, not just the usual suspects in the hard-Left Socialist Campaign Group. Many of these potential rebels came of political age complaining about Conservative cuts, and certainly did not enter politics to enact austerity with Labour characteristics.

Unsurprisingly, this has led to rumours that the Government will U-turn, with Health Secretary Wes Streeting yesterday refusing to rule out the possibility. But tracking back would not only be embarrassing for the PM: it would undermine the rest of his legislative programme and open the door to a range of attacks from the Right .

For one thing, it would kill his internal authority. Despite talk of a recent “Ukraine bounce”, more people than not still think Starmer is doing badly as Labour leader, and over half of voters think he is incompetent. Folding to discontented backbenchers is not a way to show strong leadership or to win over the public, especially when Britons are supportive of reforming the benefits system and making payments conditional on seeking work.

It is worth remembering that although 80 potential rebels seems like a lot, the Government’s majority is over 170. So, assuming that the number of potential rebels is slightly inflated — MPs can always be bought off with a promise of a job later or some money for their pet project — then it is entirely survivable. What is the point of having a big majority if the Government can’t pass policy which is unpopular with some backbenchers? Tony Blair’s 2001-5 parliament was the most rebellious of the postwar era at the time, and yet Labour won a third term in 2005.

Successive recent Conservative governments should act as a warning here: on issues of planning, they capitulated to loud voices from the shires when it came to issues around HS2 or housebuilding, and still lost many of those seats in the 2024 election. Giving in to rebels does not work: they always come back asking for more.

The second threat to Starmer is that if his government can’t get this controversial measure through, then what happens when future contentious legislation comes forward? Allowing backbenchers to defeat controversial legislation just nine months into his term is a recipe for disaster and disunity. The Government should show no quarter, pour encourager les autres.

Third, the last thing Laboru needs going into the Runcorn and Helsby by-election is to give Reform UK ammunition for accusations of “two-tier Keir”, this time with the Government backing claimants over workers. There is already a broad sense among the public that those who work hard do not get their fair share, compared to those who do not work at all. And if Labour does lose the by-election, as one recent constituency poll suggests, alongside significant local election losses, Starmer will haemorrhage political capital. This might be his last chance to pass big, controversial legislation.

A U-turn now would be the worst of both worlds for Starmer. His government has identified a problem with the welfare system and prepared the ground for reform, which is popular with the public. By changing course, he will undermine his own authority, make future rebellions much more likely, and allow Reform UK and the Conservatives to paint him as supportive of a wasteful system. Every leader occasionally needs to face down their own party: this is where Starmer can prove his mettle.


David Jeffery is a lecturer in British Politics at the University of Liverpool.

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