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Will Kosovo’s war ever end? The country is doomed to a cycle of crises

A Nato-led international peacekeeping mission in Kosovo on Boxing Day (ARMEND NIMANI/AFP via Getty Images)

A Nato-led international peacekeeping mission in Kosovo on Boxing Day (ARMEND NIMANI/AFP via Getty Images)


January 3, 2023   8 mins

North Mitrovica, Kosovo

There is a strict timetable to crises in Kosovo. It runs like this. First, after a disagreement between Serbia’s leader and Kosovo’s, a deadline is set by the Kosovo side to do this or that, or barricades are erected in Serbian-inhabited north Kosovo. The diplomats go into hyperdrive, harsh words are spoken, and the Serbian Army deploys to the border, making sure that clips of military convoys circulate on social media. Serbian nationalists fantasise that they are actually going to do something and Serbian tabloids froth that Kosovo-Albanians are about to wage war against their people.

At this point, parts of the Western media wake up and journalists, who never seem to clock that Nato has thousands of troops in Kosovo pledged to protect it from Serbia, think that it might invade. Then, deal done, the barricades come down until the next time.

Today, we are at the fag end of the latest cycle. The barricades which stood for 20 days have come down and everyone has gone home ‚ÄĒ but this time, it was a pretty close-run thing. The barricades were in fact trucks blocking the roads in some 14 places. Just over a week ago, as I visited one in the village of Rudare, a colleague pointed out a petrol tanker. People were not very happy about it, he said. It was full; if there were a violent incident, it could explode.

As we spoke, judges, teachers, doctors ‚ÄĒ in fact it seemed the entire haute bourgeoisie of Serbian north Kosovo ‚ÄĒ wandered up and down, chatting to friends and warming their hands on flaming braziers. Some were here because they wanted to be, others because their political appointee bosses had ordered them to be. Leaders of the main Kosovo Serb party were here too. At one point, a car zoomed up and four masked young men jumped out and strode off purposefully. In the nearby divided town of Mitrovica, where Serbs live in the north and Albanians in the south, the north is festooned with Serbian flags and spray-painted with stencilled crests of something called the ‚ÄúNorthern Brigade‚ÄĚ. They read: ‚ÄúDon‚Äôt worry… We are waiting!‚ÄĚ But who are they? A Serbian militia in waiting? No one knows for sure.

In hushed tones, residents tell me that, in the last year, 600 men have been sent for military training in Serbia. But there is no way to know, unless you start asking questions of people who would really not appreciate them, what is true and what is a misinformation spread by BIA, Serbia’s intelligence service, which is widely believed to hold the whip hand around here. Meanwhile, locals were queuing at cashpoints. With the barricades having closed the two border posts in the north, they were worried that banks would run out of cash.

A street in North Mitrovica

Ask people in north Mitrovica what they want and, at the end of the day, it is just a normal life ‚ÄĒ the type that no one here has enjoyed for more than a quarter of a century. But how likely is this? How to cut Kosovo‚Äôs Gordian Knot, which has left the fate of Serbs and Kosovo-Albanians (and Kosovo and Serbia) tied to one another? The Kosovo war ended in 1999, but still the diplomats and political leaders have been unable or unwilling to agree on a final framework for peaceful coexistence.

In the wake of Yugoslavia‚Äôs disintegration in the Nineties, Kosovo, Serbia‚Äôs southern province, remained locked within Serbia ‚ÄĒ even though its population was overwhelmingly ethnic Albanian, rejected Serbian rule and was repressed by Slobodan Milosevic, Serbia‚Äôs then leader who had stripped the province of its autonomy. Following the Kosovo war of 1998-99 between Kosovo-Albanian guerrillas and Serbia, and then Nato‚Äôs intervention, Kosovo became a UN protectorate. In 2008, it declared independence. This was recognised by most, but not all, Western countries, and rejected by Serbia, Russia and China among others. Kosovo‚Äôs Albanians argued they had the right to self-determination; Serbia argued that its territorial integrity trumped that, even though no one in Serbia actually wanted or wants to reintegrate a region full of hostile Albanians.

Of Kosovo‚Äôs population of 1.8 million, some 100,000-120,000 are Serbs. More than half live in central and south Kosovo, while the rest live in the north, a compact area abutting Serbia. Now, say local Serbs in the north, the tables have turned. Marko Jaksic, a lawyer and political activist from north Mitrovica, says that Albin Kurti, Kosovo‚Äôs prime minister, ‚Äúis doing the same things as Milosevic during the Nineties, only we have changed sides.‚ÄĚ It is the type of argument that makes Kosovo-Albanians incandescent with rage.

Jaksic and I were talking in the Number One, a hotel caf√© a few hundred metres from the bridge over the Ibar which divides the city in two. He starts the conversation by pointing out that exactly 10 years ago I had asked him what the solution for Kosovo was, and that he had said that the border between Kosovo and Serbia was not ‚Äúup there‚ÄĚ, meaning north of where we were, but ‚Äúon the bridge‚ÄĚ. He believes that Kosovo should be partitioned. It is an idea which comes and goes like the tide. Until he went to The Hague in 2020 to answer charges of war crimes, Hashim Thaci, until then Kosovo‚Äôs president, and Serbia‚Äôs leader Aleksandar Vucic toyed with the idea, but key Western countries moved to quash it.

Nor was partition popular in Kosovo and Serbia. The problem was not north Kosovo, but rather the precedent. If north Kosovo returned to Serbia, then what about the Albanian-populated Presevo valley in Serbia or the Albanian-inhabited regions of North Macedonia or the Serb and Croat regions of Bosnia and Herzegovina? So, Pandora’s Box remains closed. How, then, can Kosovo-Serbs live normal lives in Kosovo, especially in the north?

The answer to this question is surprisingly simple. With political will there is no issue between Kosovo and Serbia, and between Serbs and Albanians, that cannot be resolved or at least fudged. The two sides have been talking in an EU-sponsored dialogue for more than a decade and plenty of agreements have been struck ‚ÄĒ even if they have not all been implemented.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has also injected new vigour into negotiations, which are led by the EU‚Äôs Miroslav Lajcak, who is supported by Gabriel Escobar, an American diplomat. However, since June, they have been firefighting, tamping down crises over number plates, identity cards and now barricades. But they have a plan, supported by France and Germany, which could be the basis for a long-term settlement. The diplomats talk of the ‚Äútwo Germanies‚ÄĚ, by which they mean that Serbia and Kosovo could live side-by-side (like the two Cold War Germanies did), not recognising one another officially but as independent states.

But this is only half of the equation. In return for de facto recognition, which means being treated like a neighbouring state by Serbia, Kosovo is expected to abide by a commitment it signed in 2013 by which Serbian municipalities in Kosovo could form some type of association, giving them effective autonomy in fields such as health and education. Kosovo’s constitutional court has rejected this and Kurti campaigned vigorously against it in opposition, but now the pressure is on from his Western backers to find a way to deliver it in one form or another.

The current crisis has set back the cause of normalisation badly. Serbs have resigned from parliament, from the judiciary and, in the north, from the Kosovo police force. They also resigned from local assemblies, which triggered elections for new ones which have now been postponed until April after electoral offices in the north were attacked. Tatjana Lazarevic, the editor of the KoSSev news site in the north, says that since the Serbs quit the police, Albanian members of the Kosovo police have been sent north and locals see them ‚Äú100% as an occupation force‚ÄĚ. She adds that Serbs in the north ‚Äúdidn’t want to integrate into the Kosovo state… and neither do they want that today‚ÄĚ. But if there is a normalisation deal between Kosovo and Serbia, she thinks, people will just live with it.

If that were the case, if there were a deal, what choice would Kosovo Serbs have?  Kosovo’s north can be a dangerous place. If it is in Serbia’s interest to make a deal, dissent won’t be tolerated. This is a place where politics and organised crime overlap, even more so than everywhere else in the Balkans.

Despite the high-stakes game played with the barricades these last few weeks, it is not all doom and gloom. Lajcak told me: ‚ÄúTensions have never been higher in 20 years; mistrust has never been deeper.‚ÄĚ But Jeff Hovenier, the American ambassador to Kosovo, struck a more optimistic note. He told me that, while the ultimate goal was mutual recognition of Kosovo and Serbia, “which is¬†unfortunately¬†not possible right now, today‚Äôs challenges can still be overcome. If you see this agreement, this work as an interim step towards that‚Ķ there are real possibilities.‚ÄĚ

Ivan Vejvoda, a Serbian analyst and head of the Europe‚Äôs Futures programme of the Institute for Human Sciences in Vienna concurs. Despite the current stand-off, ‚Äúboth sides realise they need to do this, but they are still looking for a way in which they turn out to be the winning side, but there is no winner in this. Everyone will lose out on something ‚ÄĒ or rather, no one will get everything they want. But that’s exactly what compromise is about: to achieve a situation where one goes forward.‚ÄĚ He then proceeded to list examples from Northern Ireland to the Faroe Islands to the Basque country to the South Tyrol where all manner of workable solutions for minority rights have been secured.

Beware the Northern Brigade: “We are waiting!”

Kurti himself thinks that Serbia remains uninterested in a compromise and Vucic says Serbia will never recognise Kosovo. Vucic still wants partition, Kurti said to me and talks as if he is ‚Äúin search of a time machine‚Ķ sometimes he wants to go back to 1999 and sometimes to 2007 [before Kosovo declared independence], but you know‚Ķ the train has left the station. We cannot go back there anymore.‚ÄĚ Many of the diplomats find Kurti stubborn and that has lost him some Western support, but his policy of playing hardball with Vucic has been delivering results. Vucic is on the backfoot and has had to concede on several issues in the past few months: on 15 December, Kurti applied for EU candidacy and has also finally secured a promise that Kosovo‚Äôs citizens will no longer require Schengen visas from 2024.

Yet amid all these technical solutions, a part of the problem ‚ÄĒ in fact, a very big part of the problem ‚ÄĒ is personal. A few years ago, I interviewed Hashim Thaci, who had been a leading member of the guerrilla Kosovo Liberation Army when Vucic had been a minister in Milosevic‚Äôs government. When the interview ended, he asked me: ‚ÄúAre you seeing Aleksandar?‚ÄĚ At first, I drew a complete blank ‚ÄĒ then I realised he was talking about Vucic. There are no such first name term niceties nowadays. Vucic and Kurti despise one another. When Vucic was a minister, Kurti was a political prisoner in a Serbian jail; on 1 December, Vucic publicly called Kurti ‚Äúterrorist scum‚ÄĚ. The lack of any personal rapport makes finding a deal that much harder.

After leaving the Number One in north Mitrovica, Jaksic and I walked to the bridge over the Ibar as I was returning south to Pristina, Kosovo’s capital. You can walk across the bridge, though it has been barred to traffic since 1999. Jaksic told me that, as a court administrator for the unified court of Mitrovica, he and his Albanian colleagues had parted company with tears in their eyes but as friends when he, like all the Serbs in the court, had resigned when Serbs quit Kosovo’s institutions. There was no going back now, he thought. But then we laughed about whether I would still be asking him the same questions in 10 years’ time. If I were betting, I would say there was a 60-40 chance that I will be.


Tim Judah covers the Balkans for The Economist. He is the author of several books on Kosovo and the region.

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M Lux
M Lux
1 year ago

It’s really nice to see even-handed and down to earth coverage of this topic for a change. Whenever I see it come up in western media, it’s inevitably hysteria about the lack of progress and/or fear-mongering about what the Serbs are up to (with the standard implication being that it’s probably something evil).
Self-determination (i.e. the right to secede) based on ethnic composition of a region is a double-edged sword and the fact is, Pandora’s box has already been opened in Kosovo, it’s just that the West is pretending that it hasn’t.
With Kosovos independence, the question now becomes “why can’t Serb (or whichever) majorities in a given region secede, provided they want to?” and the answer is usually because it doesn’t suit the West and as such there is no answer that is both consistent with western rhetoric and aligns with their goals, so there are few solutions to be had (just look at Bosnia). In the interest of fairness, I will add that the local actors in this case don’t make it easier, for obvious reasons.
However, this is still very much a case of cake-ism, to borrow a phrase, and once again exposes the hypocrisy of western diplomacy and the so-called “rules based international order”, since the rules are there for others to follow and the West to ignore.

Muad Dib
Muad Dib
1 year ago
Reply to  M Lux

Yes, refreshingly balanced and well researched article. Agree, about Pandora’s box already being opened, and the dangerous precedent being set. There are many such regions where ethnic and/or religious majority in the region is different to the whole country, and being somewhat unsatisfied with their status. Their independence movements have gained new energy and legitimacy with Kosovo development. It is indeed frequently pointed out whenever regional tensions arise. I guess that’s the reason certain countries (e.g. Spain) are very reluctant in recognition. Calling for international laws and norms is hypocritical. If majority of region democratically decides for independence should it be stopped? What if it’s Catalonia, or Scotland or Northern Ireland or Crimea or California… Pandora’s box indeed.

J√ľrg Gassmann
J√ľrg Gassmann
1 year ago
Reply to  M Lux

Self-determination need not be a problem. A decade ago, Czechoslovakia split into Czech Republic and Slovakia, along the pre-WW I historical border between the Austrian and the Hungarian halves of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Both have reasonably prospered and neither has been “behaviourally conspicuous”.

Gordon Black
Gordon Black
1 year ago

Sorry, your example is totally incommensurate with this scenario.

J√ľrg Gassmann
J√ľrg Gassmann
1 year ago
Reply to  Gordon Black

I agree. The point of my comment was to reflect on: Why?

J√ľrg Gassmann
J√ľrg Gassmann
1 year ago
Reply to  Gordon Black

I agree. The point of my comment was to reflect on: Why?

Gordon Black
Gordon Black
1 year ago

Sorry, your example is totally incommensurate with this scenario.

Paul Devlin
Paul Devlin
1 year ago
Reply to  M Lux

Exactly. Kosovo good, Abkhazia/Ossetia/Crimea/Occupied Palestine bad. Funny old world

Andrew Boughton
Andrew Boughton
1 year ago
Reply to  M Lux

Nice take. Of course, it was Tito who largely shifted the ethnic balance in Kosovo toward Albanian, though without the unintended consequences. A quick but thorough review of the role of Albania in various destabilising events and activities in northern Europe signals that peeling off Kosovo to hurt Russia is not exactly helping Europe. But our American ally doesn’t much care about European interests.

Flamur Fonda
Flamur Fonda
1 year ago
Reply to  M Lux

Your answered your own question.
“With Kosovos independence, the question now becomes ‚Äúwhy can‚Äôt Serb (or whichever) majorities in a given region secede, provided they want to?”
Without going back to history, which you know just as well, Albanians were and still are majority in Kosovo. Serbs were not and still are not. And if you want a minority of 3-5% to be allowed to secede in Kosovo then allow Albanians in Serbia, N. Macedonia, Monte Negro too. While you are at it, let people of Sanxhak and Vojvodina, too!

Muad Dib
Muad Dib
1 year ago
Reply to  M Lux

Yes, refreshingly balanced and well researched article. Agree, about Pandora’s box already being opened, and the dangerous precedent being set. There are many such regions where ethnic and/or religious majority in the region is different to the whole country, and being somewhat unsatisfied with their status. Their independence movements have gained new energy and legitimacy with Kosovo development. It is indeed frequently pointed out whenever regional tensions arise. I guess that’s the reason certain countries (e.g. Spain) are very reluctant in recognition. Calling for international laws and norms is hypocritical. If majority of region democratically decides for independence should it be stopped? What if it’s Catalonia, or Scotland or Northern Ireland or Crimea or California… Pandora’s box indeed.

J√ľrg Gassmann
J√ľrg Gassmann
1 year ago
Reply to  M Lux

Self-determination need not be a problem. A decade ago, Czechoslovakia split into Czech Republic and Slovakia, along the pre-WW I historical border between the Austrian and the Hungarian halves of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Both have reasonably prospered and neither has been “behaviourally conspicuous”.

Paul Devlin
Paul Devlin
1 year ago
Reply to  M Lux

Exactly. Kosovo good, Abkhazia/Ossetia/Crimea/Occupied Palestine bad. Funny old world

Andrew Boughton
Andrew Boughton
1 year ago
Reply to  M Lux

Nice take. Of course, it was Tito who largely shifted the ethnic balance in Kosovo toward Albanian, though without the unintended consequences. A quick but thorough review of the role of Albania in various destabilising events and activities in northern Europe signals that peeling off Kosovo to hurt Russia is not exactly helping Europe. But our American ally doesn’t much care about European interests.

Flamur Fonda
Flamur Fonda
1 year ago
Reply to  M Lux

Your answered your own question.
“With Kosovos independence, the question now becomes ‚Äúwhy can‚Äôt Serb (or whichever) majorities in a given region secede, provided they want to?”
Without going back to history, which you know just as well, Albanians were and still are majority in Kosovo. Serbs were not and still are not. And if you want a minority of 3-5% to be allowed to secede in Kosovo then allow Albanians in Serbia, N. Macedonia, Monte Negro too. While you are at it, let people of Sanxhak and Vojvodina, too!

M Lux
M Lux
1 year ago

It’s really nice to see even-handed and down to earth coverage of this topic for a change. Whenever I see it come up in western media, it’s inevitably hysteria about the lack of progress and/or fear-mongering about what the Serbs are up to (with the standard implication being that it’s probably something evil).
Self-determination (i.e. the right to secede) based on ethnic composition of a region is a double-edged sword and the fact is, Pandora’s box has already been opened in Kosovo, it’s just that the West is pretending that it hasn’t.
With Kosovos independence, the question now becomes “why can’t Serb (or whichever) majorities in a given region secede, provided they want to?” and the answer is usually because it doesn’t suit the West and as such there is no answer that is both consistent with western rhetoric and aligns with their goals, so there are few solutions to be had (just look at Bosnia). In the interest of fairness, I will add that the local actors in this case don’t make it easier, for obvious reasons.
However, this is still very much a case of cake-ism, to borrow a phrase, and once again exposes the hypocrisy of western diplomacy and the so-called “rules based international order”, since the rules are there for others to follow and the West to ignore.

Ray Andrews
Ray Andrews
1 year ago

The Serbs remember Muslim domination, it’s baked into their DNA. Same with the Hungarians. The far West — Britain, Sweden etc. — thinks that Islamization is the woke thing, the fashionable thing. The Serbs and the Hungarians and the Macedonians know better. Albanians enjoy one of the most broken cultures on the planet; the Serbs want nothing to do with it and they are prudent not to.

Ray Andrews
Ray Andrews
1 year ago

The Serbs remember Muslim domination, it’s baked into their DNA. Same with the Hungarians. The far West — Britain, Sweden etc. — thinks that Islamization is the woke thing, the fashionable thing. The Serbs and the Hungarians and the Macedonians know better. Albanians enjoy one of the most broken cultures on the planet; the Serbs want nothing to do with it and they are prudent not to.

Gordon Black
Gordon Black
1 year ago

As with N.Ireland, how can a critique of this Kosovo conflict be significant … if it has NO mention of religion?

Andrew Boughton
Andrew Boughton
1 year ago
Reply to  Gordon Black

Bingo.

Andrew Boughton
Andrew Boughton
1 year ago
Reply to  Gordon Black

Bingo.

Gordon Black
Gordon Black
1 year ago

As with N.Ireland, how can a critique of this Kosovo conflict be significant … if it has NO mention of religion?

Samir Iker
Samir Iker
1 year ago

Fascinating how concepts of human rights, war crimes and self determination are wholly dependent on what serves the interests of various powers.
So, non Serbian parts of Yugoslavia, Ukraine, Kosovo, one rule.
East Ukraine Russians, Kosovo Serbians or Kurds in Turkey, too bad.
And imagine if anyone other than China were doing what they are with the Uighurs.

Samir Iker
Samir Iker
1 year ago

Fascinating how concepts of human rights, war crimes and self determination are wholly dependent on what serves the interests of various powers.
So, non Serbian parts of Yugoslavia, Ukraine, Kosovo, one rule.
East Ukraine Russians, Kosovo Serbians or Kurds in Turkey, too bad.
And imagine if anyone other than China were doing what they are with the Uighurs.

J√ľrg Gassmann
J√ľrg Gassmann
1 year ago

Oh what tangled web we weave when first we practice to deceive!
NATO started a completely illegal war against Serbia in 1999, based on blatant lies, and goaded a terrorist-ridden Kosovar cabal to declare independence, even though the EU-mediated deconfliction administration had pledged not to change the political status of Kosovo. Kosovo survives today purely on the graces of the US, and is home to one of the largest US bases abroad, Camp Bondsteel.
Russia warned NATO and the EU not to create an international-law precedent, but NATO and the EU ploughed ahead anyway. The result is that many NATO countries do not recognise Kosovo, and NATO’s Kosovo caper served Russia as international-law template for the reabsorption of Crimea.
The latest crisis developed when NATO leveraged the EU to put pressure on Serbia to make Serbia give up its neutral stance between the EU and Russia, and join the EU’s economic war sanctions against Russia.
So – yes, no doubt, if there were a willingness on the side of the puppet masters to not only allow a resolution, but knock some heads together locally to discourage grandiose notions of past glories and heady revanchism, then the issue could be resolved. Unfortunately, the EU has decided to abandon its decades-long track record of burying centuries-old grievances under a blanket of unideological prosperity, strong minority protection and freedom of movement, and has instead become a blatantly militarised extension of a Neocon-weaponised NATO, so that solution, that brought the formerly fascist military dictatorships Greece, Portugal and Spain into the European mainstream, is no longer available.
We’ve created quite a mess. Mr. Borrell would do well to worry more about the NATO boar he is allowing to rampage in our European garden than about the peaceful jungle outside our borders.

J√ľrg Gassmann
J√ľrg Gassmann
1 year ago

Oh what tangled web we weave when first we practice to deceive!
NATO started a completely illegal war against Serbia in 1999, based on blatant lies, and goaded a terrorist-ridden Kosovar cabal to declare independence, even though the EU-mediated deconfliction administration had pledged not to change the political status of Kosovo. Kosovo survives today purely on the graces of the US, and is home to one of the largest US bases abroad, Camp Bondsteel.
Russia warned NATO and the EU not to create an international-law precedent, but NATO and the EU ploughed ahead anyway. The result is that many NATO countries do not recognise Kosovo, and NATO’s Kosovo caper served Russia as international-law template for the reabsorption of Crimea.
The latest crisis developed when NATO leveraged the EU to put pressure on Serbia to make Serbia give up its neutral stance between the EU and Russia, and join the EU’s economic war sanctions against Russia.
So – yes, no doubt, if there were a willingness on the side of the puppet masters to not only allow a resolution, but knock some heads together locally to discourage grandiose notions of past glories and heady revanchism, then the issue could be resolved. Unfortunately, the EU has decided to abandon its decades-long track record of burying centuries-old grievances under a blanket of unideological prosperity, strong minority protection and freedom of movement, and has instead become a blatantly militarised extension of a Neocon-weaponised NATO, so that solution, that brought the formerly fascist military dictatorships Greece, Portugal and Spain into the European mainstream, is no longer available.
We’ve created quite a mess. Mr. Borrell would do well to worry more about the NATO boar he is allowing to rampage in our European garden than about the peaceful jungle outside our borders.

Anna Bramwell
Anna Bramwell
1 year ago

I remember several hundred Serbs being kicked out of Kosovo.

berat kryeziu
berat kryeziu
1 year ago
Reply to  Anna Bramwell

Just see the facts. Also mass graves on SERBIA . Then you will undestand why NATO attacked serbia.

Flamur Fonda
Flamur Fonda
1 year ago
Reply to  Anna Bramwell

I remember a million of Albanians being kicked out of Kosovo! I remember several thousands of Albanian women and children being raped, killed by Serbian neighbours and militia. Dead bodies found in Serbia’s rivers and other part of Serbia. I still hear that many Albanian mothers are waiting to know for the bodies of their disappeared kids, buried in Serbia.
Do you still want me to go on and tell you what I still remember?

berat kryeziu
berat kryeziu
1 year ago
Reply to  Anna Bramwell

Just see the facts. Also mass graves on SERBIA . Then you will undestand why NATO attacked serbia.

Flamur Fonda
Flamur Fonda
1 year ago
Reply to  Anna Bramwell

I remember a million of Albanians being kicked out of Kosovo! I remember several thousands of Albanian women and children being raped, killed by Serbian neighbours and militia. Dead bodies found in Serbia’s rivers and other part of Serbia. I still hear that many Albanian mothers are waiting to know for the bodies of their disappeared kids, buried in Serbia.
Do you still want me to go on and tell you what I still remember?

Anna Bramwell
Anna Bramwell
1 year ago

I remember several hundred Serbs being kicked out of Kosovo.