Could It's A Wonderful Life be a parable for our times? Credit: IMDB

Philip Larkin was once asked whether, living in Hull rather than within the ambit of literary London, he ever felt too removed from the centre of things. “Oh no,” he replied. “I very much feel the need to be on the periphery of things.” Missing out was, for Larkin, an essential part of the creative life. While other writers record the overwhelming intensity of felt experience, his poems tend to dwell on the careers he isn’t pursuing, the money he hasn’t accumulated, and — in his ode “To My Wife” — the people he has chosen not to spend his life with. When the same interviewer asked, “Do you feel you could have had a much happier life?” the answer came back: “Not without being someone else.”
That line doesn’t feature in Andrew H Miller’s new work of literary criticism, On Not Being Someone Else: Tales of Our Unled Lives, though “To My Wife” is quoted in full, as is “I Remember, I Remember”, a detailed reminiscence of all the things Larkin didn’t get up to in his childhood. Larkin’s most ruthlessly unsentimental poem on this subject, however, is “Dockery and Son”, which meditates on the difference between one life path and another before concluding that, actually, it doesn’t really matter, because our choices are determined by deep-lying psychological habits and in any case we’ll all be dead before long:
Life is first boredom, then fear.
Whether or not we use it, it goes,
And leaves what something hidden from us chose,
And age, and then the only end of age.
Faced with Larkin’s nihilism, Miller politely suggests that it maybe isn’t the whole picture. While Larkin writes as though “we’re defined by loss,” Miller tells us, “I’d like to think that something is sometimes gained.” He also manages to look on the bright side of Virginia Woolf, concentrating on the “happy, even delicious” moments in her prose rather than the intimations of mental illness and despair. Although the book, very sensibly, does not try to live up to its self-help-y jacket blurb — “On Not Being Someone Else offers the balm that when we confront our imaginary selves, we discover who we are” — it is written in a gently soothing tone, and for the most part Miller finds poets and novelists to be consoling, helpful company rather than stunningly original or dazzlingly subversive.
The preface to this concise and thoughtful book is a study in self-deprecation: Miller warns us that he doesn’t “really argue for many theses”, he just wants to point out a distinctive theme of modern literature: the exploration of the road not taken – to cite the most famous example, and perhaps the best-known American poem of the 20th century. It is, Miller persuasively argues, a constant preoccupation of the last 200 years, from David Copperfield’s disappointed brooding to the acronyms which have recently entered the language. “Ah – YOLO plus FOMO,” says one of Miller’s colleagues when told about the book.
But Miller has another argument to make, and an ambitious one: that contemplating the lives we didn’t lead can help us “to find meaning”. Or at least, help us feel that way: poems and stories, he writes, “create with special power the experience of verging on meaning: something important is being said, but what isn’t clear.”
A possible rejoinder is that if you don’t know what’s being said, then you can hardly know whether it’s important or a complete waste of time. All the same, there is a kind of communication which is beyond language: as Felix Mendelssohn once remarked, the emotions expressed by music are not too vague for words, but too precise. Words themselves, as Miller’s many well-chosen examples show, can point towards the unsayable. Virginia Woolf, on his reading, balances the beauty of the present moment with the restless yearning for something more.
In his search for “meaning” in literary texts, Miller follows in the tradition of Matthew Arnold, who predicted in 1880 that poetry would replace religion. Arnold supported such a change, on the grounds that poetry had some of the practical functions of Christianity — “to interpret life for us, to console us, to sustain us” — but none of the supposed disadvantages, like dogmas which might have to be defended against criticism from scientists and historians. The drawback to Arnold’s scheme, and perhaps the reason that his prediction has not come to pass, is that dogmas actually respond to a need: they are answers to unavoidable questions. Poetry, by contrast, offers few if any answers – it cannot even deal with Larkin’s question of what the point of it all is.
Miller’s book may be overly idealistic about poetry, but he does not have his head in the clouds. If recent centuries have seen a growing fascination with unled lives, he observes, the main reason is market capitalism, “an economic system that isolates us and urges us to calculate opportunities and maximize their effects.” Although Miller does not explicitly link liberal capitalism with liberal social policy, he does note that many recent changes, from the legalisation of abortion to what he chooses to call “the increased visibility of transgender people”, have also reinforced the sense that life consists in a series of choices.
Much has been written since 2016 about Western liberalism and the high price we have paid for it as a society in the breakdown of communities and traditions. Less often discussed are its effects on the individual imagination. Liberalism has freed the self to create its own identity: as a justice of the US Supreme Court once declared, “at the heart of liberty is the right to define one’s own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life.” But unless you happen to be G. W. F. Hegel this is an impossibly heavy burden, and we have had to displace it by making up ersatz identities — hence the popularity of video games, social media and vicarious living through celebrities.
Cinema also deals in fantasy, but has sometimes found ways of deflating it. The dominant theme of mid-period Woody Allen films is that the characters who try to break into a world of wealth, celebrity and romantic drama end up as hollow men, while the real heroes turn out to be those who take life as it comes and do their best to help the people around them. An earlier example is It’s A Wonderful Life, to which Miller devotes a short chapter. It is a film of lost possibilities: George Bailey watches his friends escape to lives of excitement and adventure while he remains stuck in his small town. And yet, the film suggests in its unforgettable last half-hour, it is Bailey’s life which was the true adventure, if we could only see it.
Art and literature can help reconcile us to only having one life to live, but they cannot provide the meaning of that life. One sign of this is how easily even the profoundest works of art get turned into brands. Frost’s “Road Not Taken” has become quite a money-spinner, being used in advertisements for cars, insurance, chewing gum and the jobs website Monster.com (“Find The Job You Deserve”). Transcendence, one feels, should be a little harder to sell.
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SubscribeI find myself often thinking wistfully of Margaret when seeing how the present ministers are dealing with the country. At least she believed in Britain and its future more than her personal ambitions or ‘optics’.
A good writer, great imagery, fun characters, witty, satirical, irony and lurid analogy… it had it all for British Political opinion/journalism writing, but maybe too much of it, and I ended up wishing for more kind of – just telling the story story, the ‘Who, What, When, Where & Why’ and a bunch of well chosen quotes to cover the landscape of the thing and attendees.
But good essay writing of the classic British kind.
Agreed. I too was struck by the vivid prose and general quality of the writing. The author does touch on an important point, though. The progressives hold most of the institutional power in the UK (and US). Will Boris use his strong hold on political power to counter them or will he just throw bread and wine to the masses for the next several years?
Boris is on a short leash held by the very progressive Princess N N. The way all these Politicos today are seemingly are caught up in some 50’s British Sex Farce, very much being lead around by their parts rather than their desire for good governance, makes me wonder if they have not all been captured by the Post-Modernist Progressives – the same, but reversed genders, as how the Australian one has been.
It is like a very dark Benny Hill episode.
Continuing Galeti’s comedy analogy – the caricatures displayed here are straight from an 80’s Harry Enfield sketch, with a special guest appearance from Rik Mayall playing journalist Will Lloyd who has his nose press up against the window and is screaming “Fatcha! Burn the witch!”
I genuinely don’t know if Will’s piece is a parody or not. The only bit I related to as on point was the excellent Rory Stewart quote. Let me assume he’s serious. Across Europe, we see Political hearts and minds being won on the centre-right and the Green/far left. Boris is shameless in that we will nick ideas from both, whilst dropping same people/initiatives like a hot brick once either becomes unpopular.
Remember, whilst Boris has been running this non-event of a conference, the more extreme elements of the Green manifesto are crashing all over the world. Biggest growth in employment opportunities since the days of “Fatcha!” and the Labour movement can find little to talk about other than who may or may not have a cervix, whilst Blairites chunter on about a democratic vote that happened 5 years ago and whether Boris deserves to have a holiday or not.
Boris doesn’t have to respond or do much at all really – which of course is his most happy of happy spaces. He’s even nicking Trump’s tactics. Knowing the press openly dislike him, he can toss them a different ball twice a day and watch them wear themselves out furiously chasing them round and round.
He stands for everything and nothing; yes, he is the ultimate chancer and chameleon. But frankly, so is Starmer. He doesn’t even control his Deputy Leader, let alone the wider party. The only way he can get elected is by getting into bed with Nationalists, who despise the rest of the UK. By that time he’ll be riding so many horses in different directions that his legs will resemble a Tex Avery cartoon.
It’s no good wishing for a reunion of the guys in that first Blair band either. Those that remain need to get themselves some flash Green gear, get the old Momentum badges out and make their way back to the centre ground that way. Compared to that lot Boris is looking like David Bowie to the voters. Anyway, Steve Bray is awaiting instructions from Millbank’s Burnley headquarters, so good luck and all that.
He may be a fool but he’s their fool Will, and there’s a lot of them who are inclined to vote. Give them a reason to vote for something better, rather than just a reason to hate him personally, and we’ll all start to get to a better place.
You are absolutely correct. The Tory Party is strong as long as it promotes woke ideas. So, as I have said many times, the Labour Party is actually stronger in opposition than it would be in power.
In Oppositionland there is no Covid, no shortage of truck drivers and the everything looks rosy. Even the woke ideas are taught in schools so that the next generation will be brainwashed. The embarrassing Marxist extremists have no power in Oppositionland so they can be safely ignored as well.
I simply don’t understand this. The Tories are strong as long as they promote woke ideas?! Come again?! They are strong, insofar as they are, because they oppose (though often ineffectually), woke ideas, which the more ordinary people hear about, the less they like: ‘white privilege’, putting ‘trans rights above biology etc. The Tories can be pretty useless as long as much of the population realises that its opinions and culture are actively disdained by the Left. The Labour Party has been particularly good at this from Gordon Brown and Emily Thornbury onwards.
I used to detest Thatcher when I was 18. Now I see that she would be a godsend to the country given the state of the Con Party and the Labour supposed opposition. The country is properly f*****
Thatcher was an opportunist and economic illiterate who did one thing right, and several things wrong, including encouraging that crook Rupert Murdoch to buy the Times, (because he supported her), laying waste to Britain north of Luton by way of a grossly overvalued sterling exchange rate in the early 1980’s, and throwing away all the revenue from the North Sea which should have been placed into a sovereign wealth fund and saved for future generations. We don’t want her back in power, thank you.
“(Conservatism gave him an identity. A way of defining himself contrarily.) He said he’d hated school. Hated his Left-wing teachers.”
If I’ve read something like this once, I’ve read it a thousand times in the last 40 years.
Why is this still the case?
Have Tory education ministers all been asleep at the wheel?
They haven’t got ten years.
And people from Teesside don’t have Geordie accents.
Other than that a lovely, well written piece with some good forward pointers.
He has flair as a writer but his pieces are too often rather incoherent.
Pedantic point: in his municipal days, Joe Chamberlain was actually a Liberal. He became a Liberal Unionist over Home Rule and later aligned himself with the Conservatives in the “Unionist” governments of the 1890s and 1900s, serving as a minister.
Houchen isn’t a Geordie either.
This article lost me and dribbled away into a mist when I reached the bit about Ben Houchen having a Geordie voice.
Back in the mists of time when Dominic Cummings was young and working on the No side of the North East Parliament Assembly idea promoted by John Prescott and supported by every council , major political party , quango and what have you,and their spads, tame journalists and the rest the No side had Cummings, John Elliott a full on successful businessman and Somewhere person, and an big inflatable white elephant that sat in the background on every TV interview he gave (after he had helped inflate it himself).
It was a uphill battle for an idea whose time seemed to have come following the recent Scottish and Welsh devolved administrations and it was a bit of a shock when the establishment side lost virtually by 80% to 20% in the vote.
It prefigured the same shock albeit with a narrower margin that happened in 2016 and is still playing out now.
I can’t say I expected the result, either of them, but I did feel that constant references to the Geordie Parliament back then would be counter productive in a region where around 400,000 Geordies are commonly taken as populating a region with around 2.1 million people who aren’t Geordies and many of whom actively resent Newcastle upon Tyne’s pre-eminence, especially those on the Wear and the Tees.
I was surprised that Tony Blair one of the 4 party Leaders keen on it back then kept banging on about this Geordie Parliament, as the MP for a Durham constituency near enough to Teesside to be a rural commuter land he should have known better.
Houchen was born and raised on Teesside and his accent is a Tees one he’s a Smoggie not a Geordie.
One thing is certain:
“Green” jobs will never match the number of jobs that green policies destroy.
‘…is corrupting..”? “… has corrupted…” surely!
A wobbly, unclear, drifting article, but one which attempts to discuss a truth – the Tories, as in the early 1990’s under Major, have become corrupted by power. The failed attempt to reinstate the corrupt ex-MP Owen Paterson, by using the pages of the Daily Telegraph and strong-arming Tory MP’s, was a turning-point. Many Brits won’t vote for Boris again. They are having a good look at Starmer, and like a lot of what they see: honest, intelligent, well-meaning. He needs to sharpen his ideas and focus on some key themes. Tory corruption and dishonesty should be one of them.