By funding public services, governments spend money on our behalf. But what if they gave it to us directly so that we could decide how to spend it?
Obviously, some of us would spend it on holidays and ice cream rather than the intended purpose. Hence the idea of distributing spending power in the form of a voucher that could only be used for certain purposes and with various conditions attached. For example, parents could be given school vouchers, which they could ‘spend’ at an educational establishment of their choice (the choice being from a shortlist approved by the government).
The theory is that, by empowering consumers (i.e. the parents), providers (i.e. the schools) would have to become more responsive to those they serve. This sort of thinking used to be very fashionable – at least on the centre-right of politics, where vouchers were promoted as a way of applying market forces to public services.
In some places, voucher schemes made it out of the think-tanks and into the real world – but did they work?
Writing for Bloomberg, Megan McArdle confesses her doubts:
“Like many of my fellow libertarians, I genuinely believed that this would be an economic and social revolution that would, over time, lift millions out of poverty and alleviate all manner of social ills.
“Twenty years on, my optimism seems to have been far too exuberant. Some studies suggest that voucher programs do modest good; others suggest that they do very little; and a few suggest that the impacts are actually negative. My overall takeaway from the literature is that voucher programs probably do a little bit of good. But the emphasis is on the word ‘little’; they are not a cure-all, or even much of a cure for anything. It was reasonable to think, in 1997, that voucher programs could change the world. Now we have two decades of evidence.”
McArdle points out that the pet policies of the centre-left have also met with disappointing results:
“…during the same period, vast sums were poured into liberal projects like smaller class sizes, and the results have been entirely uninspiring. Now the mania is for universal pre-K [early years education], not so much because there’s compelling evidence for great outcomes, but because at least we haven’t tried it yet, and therefore don’t know that it won’t work.”
Nevertheless, those on the free market right of politics have some explaining to do. Having unleashed the almighty power of choice, why didn’t it make a bigger difference to educational outcomes? McArdle runs through some of the possibilities, before getting to the most likely, but least comfortable, explanation:
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