April 1, 2025 - 10:40am

There’s an old saying: you can’t make a silk purse out of a sow’s ear. No matter how fine the stitching or how glossy the finish, some things just won’t change. In politics, though, this is a lesson which remains stubbornly unlearned. Failed ideas aren’t buried; instead, they’re rebranded, repackaged, and marched out as dazzling innovations.

Nowhere was this more obvious than at the Organised Immigration Crime Summit yesterday, where Keir Starmer stood before a room of world leaders, tech executives, and law enforcement chiefs to unveil his bold new plan to “smash the gangs”. The summit was hyped as groundbreaking, a fresh and ambitious approach to tackling illegal migration. But as the Prime Minister spoke about international “collaboration” and tougher enforcement, it became obvious that this wasn’t a new plan at all. It was the same old sow’s ear, stitched together and passed off as a silk purse.

On the surface, Starmer’s proposals sound entirely reasonable. More power for enforcement, tougher penalties, better intelligence-sharing, and even MI5-style counter-terrorism tactics to break up smuggling networks: who could object to all that?

The problem isn’t the intention — it’s the thinking behind it. People smuggling isn’t like terrorism. Terrorists operate like soldiers; smugglers are more like hustlers. Terrorists aim to destabilise systems through coordinated force; smugglers take advantage of the cracks in those systems. This is why every crackdown on people smuggling ends up like a game of whack-a-mole. You can disrupt networks, make things more difficult, and force them to change tactics — but “smashing” them is altogether harder, not to mention less precise.

We’ve been here before. The Clandestine Channel Threat Command (CCTC) was launched by Priti Patel in 2020, with bold promises of breaking the smugglers’ grip. Then there was Project Invigor, an international task force that was supposed to make a real dent in the trade. Both were full of promises about intelligence-sharing, arrests, and disruption, yet neither achieved anything of lasting value.

Rather than learning from past mistakes, though, Labour has doubled down. Rather than reforming the legal system to ramp up deportations and create a real deterrent, Starmer is proposing yet another central unit: the Border Security Command, which is essentially a rehash of the CCTC. It will come with more funding and manpower, but at its core it’s still the same old sow’s ear. It might make a small difference, but ultimately it won’t stop people from crossing the Channel, and it almost certainly won’t dismantle the gangs.

People smuggling involves a fluid, ever-shifting network of decentralised, transnational groups — Kurdish, Iraqi, Albanian — which are always ready to adapt and evolve. Unlike the mafia, which thrives on the stability of territory, infrastructure, and loyalty, people smugglers operate in opportunistic, mobile units which can vanish in one place and pop up in another. It’s a game of constant reinvention, a battle where the rules change before you even realise you’ve lost sight of the players.

Labour’s answer to this problem is the usual reflex of sanctions and enhanced penalties for people smuggling, but this won’t actually deter smugglers. Most of those arrested for piloting small boats aren’t masterminds of an international racket — they’re migrants themselves, roped into steering dinghies in exchange for a free ride. The real architects of the trade stay well behind the scenes, outsourcing the risk to those they see as expendable.

To truly dismantle these networks, Britain would need to step beyond intelligence-sharing and into real, extraterritorial action. Persuading European nations to let the UK conduct raids or run covert operations on their soil, however, is another matter entirely.

Yet Labour remains fixated on the wrong targets. The illegal migration crisis hasn’t spiralled out of control because of a lack of international cooperation — instead, it’s because Britain has shackled itself with laws that make enforcement all but impossible. The Human Rights Act, a relic of a different era, has become a straitjacket on our sovereignty. We are not being thwarted from outside but suffocated from within.

The asylum system needs a scorched-earth rewrite. The legal labyrinth must be torn down; deportations must become swift and inevitable; and the courts, NGOs, and activist lawyers who’ve hijacked the process must be stripped of their power. If we are serious about dismantling the gangs, we must first dismantle their customer base. The solution is to detain and deport: make it known that illegal arrivals will be put on the first flight home, and watch as the smugglers’ trade collapses overnight.

Of course, Labour won’t embrace this reality. Yesterday’s speeches demonstrated that old failures are once again being paraded as a new dawn. The sow’s ear has been polished, repackaged, and sold as silk — and soon enough, the seams will start to split.


Mike Jones is a political scientist, specialising in migration.

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