February 12, 2025 - 11:40pm

Tulsi Gabbard’s 52-48 Senate confirmation vote puts the former vice chair of the Democratic Party in the cabinet of a Republican president. Gabbard left the party in 2022, after first endorsing self-identified democratic socialist Bernie Sanders for president in 2016, then running unsuccessfully for the nomination herself in 2020.

Sanders voted against Gabbard’s confirmation on Wednesday. Last month, he voted to confirm Marco Rubio as Secretary of State.

Most of the partisanship attacks on Gabbard are related to her own transformation as much as it’s related to the party’s transformation. Her deep distrust of the intelligence community she’ll now oversee actually put her squarely on the wrong side of Hillary Clinton, who’s openly suspected Gabbard of being a Russian asset.

Bitter opposition to Gabbard’s harsh criticism of Obama-era policies in Russia and Syria unite Clinton with neoconservatives like Mitch McConnell, who was the lone Republican to vote against her. Before the vote, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer suggested more Republican senators would have voted against Gabbard if the vote had been anonymous. “If we had a secret ballot, Gabbard might get 10 votes and 40 against her from the [Republican] side,” said Schumer. “But Donald Trump and Elon Musk, evidently, threatened them. And they’re changing their view.”

I asked a senior GOP source involved in the confirmation whether that was true. “He’s not totally wrong,” the person said. “Senate Republicans hate MAGA. It’s the overwhelming power of Trump’s mandate that’s pushing them along”. The source pointed to what happened when Joni Ernst wavered on Pete Hegseth’s nomination, before being privately coerced by Trump allies to fall in line.

Schumer’s hypothetical could be flipped on his own side. Would Sanders vote to confirm Gabbard if the names were anonymous? Certainly most Democrats would not, but it’s not at all silly to think a handful would.

Gabbard’s foreign policy views are somewhat complicated, and not as purely dovish as her detractors suggest. She is, though, a radical critic of the intelligence community as it’s existed since 9/11. Many Democrats once held similar positions until it became a culture war litmus test in the Trump era to support spy agencies.

Republicans did not make it easy on Gabbard. Though she once led a charge to repeal Section 702, an infamous source of spy power, Gabbard said recent reforms to the authority had addressed her concerns during the course of the confirmation process. Had she fully resisted the programme, her nomination may have lost more senators than just McConnell.

With two conflicts currently revolving around questions of intelligence, especially intelligence about Iran in the Gaza war, Gabbard is now in a position to convey her own assessments of that intelligence back to the president. The stakes of this are enormous. Joe Biden’s botched withdrawal from Afghanistan was blamed on an intelligence failure. Most Americans vividly remember poor intelligence convincing them to support an invasion of Iraq two decades ago.

Gabbard served in Iraq. Her popularity with Republican voters who feel betrayed by their own party and sent children to fight in that war is no surprise at all. Gabbard is the next generation of political leadership, whether the old guard likes it or not. They can blame themselves for her rise.


Emily Jashinsky is UnHerd‘s Washington D.C. Correspondent.

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