March 25, 2025 - 3:10pm

“It’s not the crime but the cover-up” is one of the glib refrains of the Beltway. In the aftermath of Atlantic editor Jeffrey Goldberg’s bombshell story about being added to a high-level national security Signal group chat, a cousin of that truism has come into view: it’s not the leaks but the fallout from the leaks that may divide the new Trump administration.

Other than the fact that they were shared with Goldberg, the contents of that Signal group chat are hardly surprising. Trump’s team of brokenists is a broad coalition, and the President’s national security team includes both Jacksonian hawks and restrainers who are more sceptical about projecting American power abroad.

Those divides were in full view in the group chat. Vice President JD Vance bluntly told the other members: “I think we are making a mistake” in striking the Houthis so soon. While he said he was willing to go along with the consensus of the national security team, he also warned that the strikes could have destabilising repercussions. Instead, he said that “there is a strong argument for delaying this a month, doing the messaging work on why this matters, seeing where the economy is, etc.”

Defence chief Pete Hegseth responded by claiming that delaying strikes on the Houthis could pose its own strategic risks, and he and National Security Advisor Mike Waltz argued that no American ally in the region had the technological wherewithal to accomplish those strikes — it was solely up to the United States. Vance ended up saying he would back strikes if Hegseth endorsed them.

None of this is shocking. In public, Vance has emphasised restraint-oriented themes, so it’s not an earth-shattering revelation when he offers the same argument in private. Likewise, Waltz and, to some extent, Hegseth are often identified with the hawkish wing of the Republican Party. It’s normal for policy principals at the highest level to have disagreements and debates before uniting behind a plan of action.

What might be more politically perilous for the administration is the infighting which has broken out among Republicans in the aftermath of Goldberg’s story. Tensions between hawks and restrainers, which had been simmering after the Houthi strikes, erupted after the leaks. In a series of media attacks, Waltz’s political foes have called for the axe to fall on him because he allegedly added Goldberg to the group chat, but his hawkish allies have pushed back hard.

Breitbart reporter Matthew Boyle — one of the most seasoned veterans of populist new media — took to X to warn about the risks of defenestrating a national security advisor: “Remember it was when Mike Flynn went down in Trump’s first term that things began to go off the rails. National Security Adviser a critical position. And the establishment media has been coming after Mike Waltz for some time now writing lots of hit pieces on him.” Trump’s national security team is still being staffed, and an NSA vacancy now would create yet another institutional power vacuum. Filling that position could set off an even more bitter proxy war between restrainers and hawks. That’s likely why Trump is, for now, standing by Waltz.

Trump prefers an adversarial mode of governance. Not only does he relish the Sturm und Drang of combat with his political adversaries, but he also seeds his own team with political disagreements. The clash of viewpoints gives him maximal policy manoeuvrability. However, the escalation of palace intrigue into public bloodsport short-circuits that strategy by replacing dynamism with stasis. The constant turnover of the first Trump administration sapped its political momentum. So far, the second Trump White House has avoided those endless internecine struggles, but this latest controversy may test its coalitional bonds.

On domestic and foreign policy, Trump’s instincts are heterogeneous, and the success of his administration will in part depend on whether those different teams — hawks and restrainers alike — can find a way of working together.


Fred Bauer is a writer from New England.

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