September 24, 2024 - 1:30pm

One of the reasons regulatory creep is so hard to avoid is that there are few things more superficially just and good than “higher standards” — and few things that play more into the cartoon stereotype of the heartless Tory than opposing them.

This is deeply unfortunate, because the actual merit of any push to raise standards can only be assessed in light of its practical consequences. Energy Secretary Ed Miliband, for example, has just announced a policy whose most likely consequence will be to make more people homeless.

Naturally, that isn’t what the headlines say. The actual policy is that landlords are going to be banned from renting out properties which don’t meet significantly higher energy efficiency standards. But the practical consequence, without serious interventions elsewhere, will be homelessness, not to mention pouring yet more fuel on Britain’s spiralling rent crisis.

Because of the country’s severe housing shortage, there are too few rooms on the market. Any regulation that risks taking rooms off the market will make that crisis even worse. Councils gold-plating regulation with higher minimum standards has already removed many rooms, specifically the smallest and cheapest, from the market. It lets councillors feel good about themselves, but doesn’t actually help renters.

Meanwhile, Michael Gove’s populist crackdown on no-fault evictions — i.e. evictions at the end of an agreed tenancy — are already driving landlords out of the market and, per the Guardian, making 2,000 people a month homeless.

But the paper doesn’t join those dots, of course. It simply pivots to activists demanding that Labour hurry up and introduce the legislation, leaving the careless reader with the impression that it is the solution rather than the problem.

Landlords are an easy target, and such myopia is not confined to the Guardian. Torsten Bell, touted as one of the new government’s great policy talents, apparently believes landlords selling up cannot impact rents unless they start demolishing their houses.

This position is moronic. The rented sector, especially the private rented sector, is the highest-density form of occupancy, for the obvious reason that a single property will provide a home to more people as a House of Multiple Occupancy (HMO) than as a family dwelling. Do the maths: a landlord who sells an HMO with four tenants to a private buyer, most likely a couple, is decanting two renters back into a market with four fewer beds in it.

Miliband’s proposals will only make these problems worse. At a time when higher interest rates are crushing profit margins, and following a decade of increasingly punitive regulation, forcing landlords to spend thousands — or tens of thousands — on renovations is only going to take even more homes off the market.

Where it does not, the costs will be passed on to tenants in the form of even higher rents — which people will have to pay, because housing is a necessity of life and the market is too constricted to give them alternatives.

If the Government wanted to deliver the benefits of this policy (higher-quality housing is, in fact, good) without the downsides, it could. Most obviously, it could either provide grants for renovations or at least supply tax incentives to landlords who invest in improving their properties.

But that seems very unlikely to happen. The whole point of squeezing landlords, politically speaking, is that they are an easy target. Labour MPs aren’t going to wave through a “subsidy for slumlords” while they’re being asked to cut the winter fuel allowance and retain the two-child benefit cap.

So this policy will play out as all such interventions do: with the politicians feeling good about themselves, millions paying higher rents, and a few thousand more people on the streets.


Henry Hill is Deputy Editor of ConservativeHome.

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