March 5, 2025 - 7:00am

Two figures sum up Emmanuel Macron’s current quandary. One is the latest in the disastrous downward spiral of his popularity ratings: 21%, as measured by the Ifop polling institute in January. The other was published in Le Figaro last week: almost half of French voters (49%) believe the same Emmanuel Macron “represents France well abroad”.

The French strongly resent the instability which has plagued their country since the President called a snap election last summer. The National Assembly is irreconcilably divided, there have been four prime ministers in a little over a year, it took five months to pass a Budget, and the compromises needed to pander to various sides mean actual reform is almost impossible.

There are, however, two (related) areas where Macron remains in sole charge: foreign policy and defence, pace the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, tailor-made by and for Charles de Gaulle. Donald Trump’s provocations have given France the perfect opportunity to advocate for a continent-wide response to America’s sudden trashing of the Ukrainian cause and President, with Britain’s Keir Starmer leading the way alongside Macron following Sunday’s leaders summit. Given that both France and the UK are nuclear powers and permanent members of the UN Security Council, the collaboration makes sense.

It also helps that Starmer has been far less disruptive than successive Conservative leaders, either towards France or the EU in general. Macron was stunned by David Cameron’s Brexit gamble; didn’t much see the point of Theresa May; loathed his fellow narcissist Boris Johnson; barely glanced at Liz Truss whizzing by; and only cautiously sent out advances to Rishi Sunak, a man of his generation with a broadly similar global outlook. By comparison, Starmer is a far more familiar figure, quasi-French in his social-democratic outlook (and his Chancellor’s appetite for new taxes). He’s also a neophyte on the stage of international statesmanship, and happy to defer to his more experienced French counterpart — something to which Macron will hardly object.

Early on during the Ukraine war, Macron sometimes gave a Trumpian impression: initially, he thought he could deal with Vladimir Putin, only to retreat from Moscow licking his wounds after failing to convince the Kremlin against its avowed aim of annihilating Ukraine. Meanwhile, Boris Johnson immediately established a rapport with Volodymyr Zelensky, which grated at the Elysée.

Luckily for Macron, the Anglo-French partnership sketched by Starmer comes at exactly the right time. For decades, the two countries’ militaries, roughly equivalent in strength, have been deployed in different theatres of operations. Two treaties, Saint-Malo in 1998 and Lancaster House in 2010, have provided for increased cooperation, while France and Britain have frequently stood alone in Western Europe as Germany refused to even consider joining arms.

Putin and Trump, each in their own way, have been the unlikely midwives of this prospective Europe de la Défense. In the case of Germany, the quasi-neutrality advocated by the lacklustre Olaf Scholz led to his replacement by the comparatively clear-eyed conservative Friedrich Merz. Italy, meanwhile, has committed to a strong pro-Europe policy, with Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni declaring at the weekend that Western division would be “fatal for everyone”. New polling demonstrates that her Fratelli d’Italia voters are the second most committed group of Italian voters (73%) when it comes to favouring further European integration, including a common EU foreign and defence policy.

Yet, unless Nato splinters between an American arm and the rest, it will be Britain and France leading the effort. This suits Starmer, whose diplomacy has boosted his popularity at home and achieved something close to cross-party support. It’s even better, though, for Macron, who now has renewed relevance and gravitas abroad as his authority declines further within France. He is no doubt sincere in his support for Ukraine and his resistance to Trump, but the situation has played to his political advantage. Just as Rick Blaine addresses Captain Renault at the end of Casablanca, one can picture Macron telling his new chum in Downing Street: “Keir, this is the beginning of a beautiful friendship.”


Anne-Elisabeth Moutet is a Paris-based journalist and political commentator.

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