(Guy Davenport)

Born nearly a century ago, Guy Davenport was unclassifiable. Was he a poet or a polymath? An artist or an eccentric philosopher? As a new collection of his essays is published, John Jeremiah Sullivan recalls his laughter, tears and wit…
The first time I met Guy Davenport, he slammed the door in my face.
Physically, I mean. He opened it and he eyed me through the screen,
Then slammed the heavy wooden inner door closed in my face. Bam.
He yelled from inside, “You do not look like John Jeremiah Sullivan!”
“Not fair,” I replied. “I’ve seen your author photos. I know your face.”
He opened the door again, smiling, holding a cigarette in his fingers.
I considered him a cherished friend from that moment until he died.
This was at his great old house in Bell Court, in Lexington, Kentucky.
My grandmother lived just two blocks away. I could walk to visit him.
His house was built in 1923, meaning it turned a century old last year,
A squat, two-story brick house with a broad wooden staircase inside.
I am writing this the way I am, in uniform lines of an arbitrary length,
Because he liked to do that, to draw boxes and write inside of them.
It was a radical, literal form of “Constraint as the friend of the artist”.
Somehow it tied into his ideas on the oneness of form and meaning.
This would have been 1999 or 2000. I was a books editor at Harper’s.
My friend Roger Hodge said, “Hey, don’t you know Guy Davenport?”
Guy and I had corresponded. I must have dropped his name — Oops!
I wrote to him and asked if he would write a monthly books column.
I was surprised when he agreed, though now looking back I can see
How it was a gratifying invitation for him, at that phase in his career.
Not that he was forgotten, but it is nice knowing the kids revere you.
The collaboration lasted barely two years, the friendship a few more,
Until Guy died of lung cancer at a Lexington hospital in January 2005.
His partner and lover, Bonnie Jean Cox, survived him by twelve years.
Bonnie was the Director of the Collection Development Department
At the University of Kentucky, where Guy was a professor of English.
I loved Bonnie. She was nerdy and warm, but with Yankee sarcasm.
She developed Alzheimer’s, right after Guy died, and forgot everyone.
Their vibe was: he would say outrageous things and she would chide.
People joked that “Bonnie Jean seems like a lesbian and so does Guy”
And it was kind of like that, they sort of seemed like a lesbian couple,
Although, you know? Not really. Guy had his own kind of masculinity.
The strangest part of his biography was that he had been in the army.
He understood well, like his hero Fourier, that our sexuality’s a chord
Made up of notes. We play a few in our lives and leave others muted.
After Guy died somebody tactlessly asked Bonnie Jean if he was gay.
She said something quite colourful about how good the sex had been.
I remember sitting with them in front of Guy’s ground-floor fireplace.
He would burn trash in there, paper bags and empty cigarette packs.
Now and then they would scrounge around for more stuff to throw in,
Especially after they’d exhausted the stack of rejected review copies,
Talking that famous Guy Davenport talk, which will never exist again,
Literary-historical free-association punctuated with dramatic pauses,
Ready to laugh but rarely silly, sometimes gossipy, sometimes bitchy.
He might tell you about a conversation that he had with his neighbours
Or about one that he had with Samuel Beckett at an old café in Paris.
He told me an anecdote about a visit he’d had from Cormac McCarthy,
Who for a time considered Guy’s Geography one of his favourite books.
McCarthy, Guy remembered, had started to pet his cat, a vicious tomcat.
Guy tried to warn him that the cat was mean and hated to be touched.
Sure enough the cat began to hiss and scratch and shredded his arm.
Guy said it was wild to watch, because McCarthy didn’t seem to care.
“He didn’t even flinch,” Guy said, “just smiled and kept petting the cat.”
Guy wasn’t a name-dropper — he just told these stories as they arose.
He liked to hold ideas up to the light and rotate them in his fingertips.
He moved between languages and millennia. I couldn’t always follow.
It might be more correct to say that I was almost never able to follow.
He would occasionally make fun of me when I said something stupid.
I asked if The Anatomy of Melancholy was written in English or Latin.
“John Jeremiah Sullivan did you seriously just ask me that question?”
But I took notes, and the titles that I wrote down became my reading.
Let me say, I don’t want to pretend to have been a close friend of his.
I knew him only during his last five years and it was part professional.
But it was a real friendship that marked me as a person and a writer,
And I consider it part of my role in the world to honour his reputation.
I don’t think there was anyone like Guy. He was what’s called a oner.
That’s pronounced won ’er. Obviously it’s a way of saying sui generis,
But more than that, too. It means somebody who is remarkably keen.
Guy might have guessed that “oner” first shows up in Dickens, in 1841.
The range of knowledge he possessed was startling, even intimidating.
Duke, Harvard, Oxford, Rhodes Scholar, MacArthur Genius, ludicrous.
At the same time, I think he was someone who sincerely believed that
You can learn something interesting from every person you ever meet,
And that no thought is really interesting until you can discuss it plainly.
Curiosity was his philosophy, a way of being alive and liking the world.
I remember the book he had been looking at on that day I first visited.
It was a Chinese translation of one of his own short fiction collections.
He told me a story: He said that a Chinese scholar friend had come by.
Guy had shown him the book and asked him what the subtitle meant.
The scholar gave him a generic answer, like “Foreign Literature Series”.
“But what does it really mean?” Guy asked. He wanted to understand
The symbols. The man, who was Chinese, smiled with embarrassment.
“Finally he told me, ‘Barbarian Writings with Fragrance of Literature.’”
Guy cackled. He loved that. I think it summarised how he saw himself,
As somebody who was working at the end of a civilisation or tradition.
Modernism had been a cultural summit, like the Athenian Golden Age.
We were living in the radioactive ash-lands of whatever that had meant.
His line on the subject in “Au Tombeau de Charles Fourier” is immortal:
“We let the fire die in the engine.” And yet — did his very existence not
Have something to say about that? Guy certainly kept something alive.
Like Sir Ralph Percy, at Hedgeley Moor, he saved the bird in his bosom.
He clung to the beginnings, what he called “the symbol of the Archaic”,
Not Paul but early Jesus, not Socrates but Heraclitus, not God but gods.
He wrote stories that were like essays and essays that were like stories.
Many would argue that his reputation will wind up resting on the former,
But The Geography of the Imagination is nonfiction, and a masterpiece.
As far as “introducing” it, I’d ask only that you enter it in a spirit of play.
That is how it was written. Guy wrote in joy. He loved to make writings.
He once defined “despair” as the sensation that you’ve run out of ideas.
This book will never run out of ideas; it has so many running through it.
Guy himself hands us the metaphor that leads to an optimal approach:
The word labyrinth occurs in these pages a full 44 times, and maze, 13.
His essay “The House that Jack Built” is all about labyrinths and mazes.
It’s one of the most mind-expanding literary essays that I’ve ever read.
It offers a master class in his method: the archaeology of iconography.
For me it was the gateway drug that lured me into the rest of his work
(aided by my brother, Worth, who took English classes with him at UK).
The essay is about books that both have mazes in them and are mazes.
It gets Borgesian when you realise you’re reading it in just such a book.
But Guy doesn’t try to be cute about it. He’s working at a deeper level.
A child’s rhyme becomes a “vocal imitation of the deepening labyrinth”.
A Midsummer Night’s Dream is shown to take place in an actual maze.
“The [Russian] painter Tchelitchew later took to concealing Minotaurs,”
Guy writes, and made “a ‘Riddle of Daedalus’, an anatomical drawing
Of the nasal labyrinth where we breathe…” Guy hunted these things.
He is the man who noticed that “in all of Balthus” one finds no clocks.
I miss him very much. I miss the human being not just the great writer.
I remember how he used to sign off of telephone calls, “BLESS youuu.”
How he wept when he learned that my first daughter had been born.
How he quoted Kipling right before he died, just like my grandfather.
How he got me to smuggle him Marlboros, and I felt guilty afterward.
I remember that we were together on 9/11, watching the TV footage,
And how he didn’t try to say anything smart about it. He just grieved.
I remember the mole on his face and expressiveness of his eyebrows.
How his sister drove from South Carolina to Lexington for his funeral
And looked so much like him that people said it must be Guy in drag.
I remember how angry he’d get if I went for too long without calling.
Reading his work is a way of communing or communicating with him.
Welcome into the labyrinth of Davenport’s learning and imagination.
It is a unique one, in that you never get out but are happier for the fact.
***
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SubscribeUnion bureaucrats are not union members.
Why is Trump double-crossing the organised working class, having explicitly appealed to it during the 2024 campaign? The answer is obvious. The organised working class has now voted for him, and accordingly is of no further use to him.
We should understand that unions as they exist today are nothing like the unions of the Gilded Age. Those early unions were often illegal and fought both the robber barons and the government. The law itself was against them. They had few allies in government, which was, then as now, dominated by money. It was a long struggle, and it ultimately resulted in mostly a victory for the unions during the FDR administration. The National Labor Relations Act that created the NLRB was essentially a peace treaty that ended decades of conflict between employees and labor, but like all peace treaties, future circumstances can make it irrelevant or untenable. This is a case of the former. Since FDR, there have been a lot of other laws passed and almost all of what the unions fought for and more besides has since been codified into the law itself. We don’t need a union to negotiate safety standards because OSHA exists. We don’t need them to limit work hours or force them to pay overtime because they are legally required to adhere to the standard 40 hour week. We don’t need unions to negotiate wages because there is a minimum wage law, though it should probably be raised.
This is the real reason manufacturing in the US is more expensive. It has nothing to do with unions and strikes and everything to do with the various laws and regulations that have made unions largely unnecessary. Factories in the US have to meet standards for wages, safety, and environmental impact that are much lower or nonexistent in the several places jobs have been offshored. Through free trade doctrine, they then get to import the stuff duty free and pay only the cost of transportation, which is much less. Globalism has decimated union membership as much as it has American manufacturing and for the same reasons. The unions are neither a cause of the loss of manufacturing nor are they a solution. The solution, if there is one, is to end the free trade era and enact tariffs that reflect the differences in labor and environmental standards between nations and basically acknowledging that countries exist and borders are drawn for a reason. Trump is admittedly not the populist champion of the people I had hoped for, but to the extent he embraces tariffs as a way to balance the scales of trade and start to rebuild a manufacturing base, he’s better than the alternative.
Further, the unions we have today are often corrupt and political. For most of the period from the National Labor Relations Act, it was legal for states to have closed shop laws that required all employees to join a union if there was one, which made the union and the company essentially codependent organizations that would collaborate to a significant extent because keeping the factory open and employees employed kept both organizations intact, regardless of the wishes or interests of the workers themselves. A lot of the corruption came from this system, which was finally outlawed in 2017, long after unions became largely irrelevant anyway. Seven years isn’t long enough to undo decades of corruption and the symbiotic relationships that grew between unions and closed shop employers.
Even so, I’m not terribly surprised to hear Trump isn’t really defending workers and I am equally not surprised to hear Josh Hawley’s name backing another piece of legislation that is actually populist. Had Trump nominated Hawley as his VP, I might have actually voted in the election, hoping that somehow Hawley could succeed Trump, preferably not by assassination, and be the Teddy Roosevelt to Trump’s McKinley. Sadly, these days VP isn’t regarded as a political graveyard and they don’t put people in the position to get them out of the way because. of what happened back then.
I always figured there was a possibility that once they realized globalism was truly finished, many or most of the wealthy elites would then conclude that Trump’s version of economic nationalism was preferable to the wealth taxes and monopoly busting that Bernie Sanders, or Josh Hawley, might have done. Lo and behold, that’s what seems to be happening. I once again lament that the Democratic powers that be squashed Bernie’s campaign twice and instead doubled down on Trump bashing, woke virtue signaling, and racial grievance peddling. I once again call for the Democrats to ditch the woke nonsense of academia, ween your party off the crack of racial grievance peddling, get off the globalist ship before its entirely sunk, and find your own version of Trump. Maybe Fetterman, as he had the chutzpah to attend the signing of the Laken Riley act, which is a perfect example of a law that shouldn’t be needed, but is because of the pervasiveness of globalist ideology in our bureaucratic institutions. Then we could have two parties that have different visions of America and two differing opinions of how best to advance the interests of the American people, not a de facto global government trying to bring liberty and justice for all like some wannabe Superman.
Are you as boring in real life as you are online?
Actually I am way more boring. Are you as insufferably juvenile in reality as you are online?
Very interesting read (disregard disparaging comments from people who object to substance). But do you really think unions have no role now in raising living standards? When I was a teacher in the Netherlands I remember getting a 5% pay rise in 2022 through a collective agreement between govt and the AOB, while I have a friend at Siemens in Germany who says she’s eligible for certain privileges as a unionised worker which the non-unionised do not enjoy (in a system that creates financial incentives for the individual to join, which seems like a great way to rebuild the movement).
Also how likely do you think it is that Trump’s tariffs will do anything to protect or improve the lot of American workers? Are there any examples of tariffs being helpful for ordinary people around the world? I can only think of the example of the medieval English wool merchants being protected by Edward III from trade with the Flemish weavers, though doubtful how helpful that was to English people actually working with wool!
UAW workers are in the top 25% of the income distribution. If they were universal, we’d all be there.
But all the talk of the Big 3 is about layoffs. Whereas Toyota is constantly hiring. And they make good money. Anyone who’s been through Georgetown, KY where the Toyota plant is (the largest Toyota plant in the world) could testify to the prosperity it’s brought to a whole region.
If only the UAW could say the same for Detroit or the USW for Allentown and Gary.
The recent picketing at some Amazon facilities was not by their employees. It was by Teamster professionals paid to do it. Inside those facilities, the employees start at $18/hour with health and other benefits. Not bad for unskilled labor.
If UAW workers are in the top 25% for income, than does that not prove unions are good for workers?
When combined with the fact that they’re also laying people off, it suggests that employee wages matter to profitability of the company, and if unions distort wages far enough, the profitability of the company will begin to suffer. The government has already bailed out two of the three American auto companies, and where does that money come from? Same as the rest of it, the printing press, and inflation. From the perspective of a national government, both profitable companies and high wages are worthy goals. The government should strive to strike a balance between the two, but over the past couple of decades, it has pretty much sucked at both and instead made the CCP and the likes of Warren Buffett and George Soros fabulously wealthy. I don’t love Trump but at least he’s not doing the same thing and hoping for different results.
If the only way a company can survive is by paying its employees too little to live off then they don’t have a viable business. It’s much better they fail and their market share be taken by a more productive rival.
Let’s not pretend low wages benefit anybody but the already wealthy
I agree actually. The burden is as much on management and ownership to find ways to make a profit while paying a fair wage. If they can’t do that, they fail at post-New Deal capitalism. The burden in capitalism must fall on both. The investor must put his investment at risk. These companies have failed to be profitable, and then took government bailouts, so the government took away that risk. Bailouts are arguably the most socialist thing our government has ever done.
Union membership has dropped to 9.9% of the labor force and the great majority of that is public union membership. Trump has zero hope of support from them. That’s why California, Illinois, and NY are irredeemably Democrat.
So Trump has little incentive to kowtow to unions and the unions have little power to make him beyond that which they’ve exerted already.
Exactly. Private employer union membership is around 6% and continues to fall. Organized labor is irrelevent.
Which is exactly why workers need to organize and fight, or continue to be crushed
Cut their own throats?
The reason people have a beef with unions is not because of rank and file workers. Its because of the intellectuals that claim to speak for them. This is nothing but a veiled threat. It’s a provocation. If you want to build popular sympathy how about talking to the people doing hard jobs instead of telling everyone of your plans to orchestrate economic disruption. There’s nothing more annoying than performative protests.
If you truly care about protecting the jobs of hard working people than speak about the bureacracy and red tape around manufacturing. The goal is for wages to keep up with prices.
Regulations are inherently inflationary. They introduce additional time and costs for any business. Businesses will pass on that cost to consumers and create inflation. Higher costs mean more people need help which leads to increased welfare payments requiring more spending. The money supply continues growing and it weakens purchasing power. Its a feedback loop of inflation.
So yes, fight for unions by seriously addressing price inflation caused by excess regulations. High wages are relative to prices. That’s why the minimum wage movements are silly. Everywhere min wages rise so does the cost of living. So nobody is getting ahead even if their wages are rising.
That to me appears to be nothing but a distraction. Trump campaigned on improving the lives and wages of working class voters, who in turn gave him their backing.
Since then he has sided with the tech barons in the visa row and now done the billionaire class another favour by trying to severely weaken the unions.
Whilst I may agree with him in regards to immigration, the scaling back of environmental red tape and the cancelling of the diversity nonsense, the man is an absolute snake who I wouldn’t trust as far as I could throw him
More TDS
You crack me up. Let me see if I understand you correctly based on this and past responses.
1) There’s not a single politician that you respect and you can’t name a living politician you respect more than Trump but your character attacks on Trump should he taken seriously.
2) You don’t particularly care about American politics, your interest is just based on the comedy of the “hypocrisy” and gullibility of the median Trump voter. You as an occasional watcher of headlines is more in tune with the desires of median Trump voter than I am as an actual Trump voter.
3) You speak of the desirability of wage increases without considering their relation to prices. Do you think its a win if wages go up 3% but prices go up 5%?
4) Robinhood. All Rich people are bad. All labor advocates are good.
I’ve said numerous times I think Trump is an imbecile, if he wasn’t born a billionaire he’d have struggled to hold down a job on the bins, but despite that if I was a yank I’d have probably chose him over the alternative.
I agree with his stated policies on immigration, the environmental stuff, the equality stuff etc, but I find the influence of unelected tech barons such as Musk & Co rather uncomfortable. You rightly ranted about the likes of Soros using his wealth to influence policy yet support others doing the same now it’s your preferred side in power, which to me seems rather hypocritical.
Trump campaigned on improving the lives of the workers, yet once in power has twice now sided with his wealthy backers over his working class support base, which wouldn’t fill me with confidence going forward if I had voted for him
He campaigned with Elon Musk, Steve Wynn and Steve Witkoff. He did not campaign with bureacrats from the NLRB.
Americans and Brits see the world differently. We don’t see everything as zero-sum. If my neighbor gets filthy rich off a product that makes trains travel at light speed, I don’t get poorer. But I do get poorer when some bureacrat organizes an economic shutdown of the economy
But that’s a false analogy. A neighbours financial situation is completely irrelevant. A better example would be an employer becoming more wealthy by refusing to give his workers a pay rise in line with inflation, as in that way he’s making himself richer by actively making his workers poorer. By siding with the likes of Musk when it comes to importing cheap labour or busting the unions that’s exactly what he’s doing
In order to improve workers conditions one needs to educate them so they leave un and semi skilled employment and enter skilled employment. Germany largely moved the German population out of un and semi skilled employment into skilled employment in the late 1990s. Immigrants did unskilled work.
The Swiss have high wages but make very expensive products, the basic watch is £5K. Compare the vast majority of American education and training to Switzerland.
One way of assessing product is Value per kilo. A 100 gramme Swiss watch at £5K works out at £50M/tonne.
Switzerland has ETH Zurich. If the USA had the same density of technical skill it would have 33 MITs.
Riots and high unionised wages drove the car makers out of Detroit from late 1960s. Now most car makes are outside of Democrat run cities/states.
Regulations should to promote the good and prevent the bad. What they become is way of employing people which increases costs.
Where selection and training is based upon the conditions encounted in employment, high tech companies paying well can exist. Once the schools no longer provide the education and training need for well paid high tech jobs and unions insist on overpayment of wages for the value of the products and services produced, jobs disappear.
We should fight for union members, not the unions themselves. It’s been a very long time since they were the same thing. The NLRB is a relic of a past age that has long since outlived its usefulness. It’s a peace treaty that ended a war whose basic axes of conflict have been overtaken by history and replaced with other conflicts that demand our present attention..
We shouldn’t forget that regulations are ultimately laws, and laws are about preventing things that are harmful and keeping civil order. Since the industrial era, labor laws have been a part of that, as the very violent history of the labor movement shows us what can happen when there aren’t laws in place. So some regulations, some laws, are necessary, and to the extent that makes things more expensive, perhaps they should be.
Right now, they’re not because they’re made overseas where there are a lot fewer laws and regulations, which should never have been regarded as an adequate solution by anybody, but it was, and here we are two decades later paying for it after all in other ways. In hindsight, maybe we should have just paid more for our big screen TVs, smart phones, and appliances after all. You pay the piper one way or another.
I’m sure there are quite a few useless rules that can be eliminated. That’s the nature of bureaucracy. It needs regular reforms to eliminate inefficiencies that creep in over time. Still, I stop short of advocating for a return to the bad old days before the New Deal and modern labor laws. If the problem is the lack of any standards or laws in countries we trade with and a resulting lack of manufacturing jobs, surely the solution shouldn’t be to recreate those conditions here.
Too many propose a race to the bottom as a path to prosperity
‘Everywhere min wages rise so does the cost of living’ – evidence please?
If you can’t find any, let me point you to plenty showing the opposite (see links below). Raising the minimum wage raises living standards – and yes – increases jobs (more money in the pockets of ordinary people does a whole lot more good for the economy than in those of the super rich who make our lives more expensive by trying to monopolise businesses and competing for assets in short supply, including housing and land and, to think of political assets, our media and politicians).
Yours is a popular misconception pedalled by a press largely owned by the super rich to discourage people from fighting for a fairer deal, even as owners and bosses take a larger and larger chunk of the pie, often in return for doing nothing, if you’re say Rishi Sunak who makes half a million a week in passive income.
https://www.resolutionfoundation.org/press-releases/the-minimum-wage-is-the-single-most-successful-economic-policy-in-a-generation-and-has-boosted-the-wages-of-millions-of-britains-lowest-earners-by-6000-a-year/
https://pitchforkeconomics.com/episode/higher-minimum-wages-are-creating-more-jobs-with-michael-reich/
Trade unions are an important part of civil society, a crucial counterweight against corporate and political tyranny. Unions brought us so much from the weekend to protections against child labour. They even helped bring down the Soviet Union in the case of Poland. And yet so many on the right seem to have forgotten this to the point that I question whether they can even be called conservatives at all, insofar as a conservative is supposed to be concerned with giving peope agency and rewarding honest work sufficiently that family life can flourish.
ps BB – it’s great to see you still being one of the few traditional left voices standing up for workers on here, keep it up!