October 31, 2022 - 5:00pm

He did it after all. Following a double turnaround to purchase Twitter at a huge premium to its value, Elon Musk now owns the platform. After firing the company’s top brass, Musk wasted no time in tweeting a dubious conspiracy theory and then deleting it (but not before it was retweeted 20,000 times). His detractors wasted no time in trumpeting an increase in racism and trolling immediately after the purchase. All this is bread and circuses, however, compared to the possible (if unlikely) chance of Musk becoming an online media baron.

Musk’s own statements and plans reveal the closest thing to his real intent with the purchase: the celebrification (and hopeful monetisation) of Twitter, turning it into a subscription-driven moneymaker closer to TikTok, YouTube or even OnlyFans. This would downplay Twitter’s role as a public forum in favour of a more anonymous site, with a small tier of popular content creators towering over the hoi polloi. And above them all is Musk himself, who could influence the content and draw attention to it as he sees fit.

Musk’s model here seems to be Rupert Murdoch and Fox News, catering to its owner’s agenda while simultaneously appealing to the lowest common denominator. Musk has already been publicly outspoken, and playing the Great and Powerful Oz is one plank in his strategy to attract and retain people on Twitter. If his most vocal detractors leave the platform, so much the better. 

Such a strategy might “save” Twitter at the cost of removing the only real virtue it’s ever had, that of a comparatively unfiltered online agora in which urgent information can spread faster than almost anywhere else. This virtue is inextricably tied to Twitter’s longstanding dilemma of letting that information rise while trying to stamp out “undesirable” opinion and hostility, all while lacking the tools and resources to make those decisions in real time. If Musk changes the structure of Twitter to be closer to Facebook, where racism festers quietly within like-minded social silos, he can claim himself as a defender of free speech even as his platform keeps people away from content that’s likely to offend them. His promise of a “content moderation council,” in contrast, seems more of a fig leaf designed to take the heat off of Musk for high-profile decisions he doesn’t actually care so much about: reinstating Trump’s account, for example.

But building this kind of platform is a lot harder and more expensive than Musk seems to think. After firing the top executives, Musk bemoaned what he saw as managerial bloat at the company. There’s surely a need for creative destruction at Twitter, but it’s much easier to fire indiscriminately than to actually figure out what needs doing and put responsible people in the positions to do it. Musk presumably will delegate that complex drudgery to underlings, but there’s no sign he’s found the right underlings. 

Musk is, if nothing else, a skilful developer of his own personal legend, more concerned with building the myth than controlling the details of it. He is already very happy to take credit for cascading effects that he actually had very little to do with. For all of Rupert Murdoch’s Machiavellianism, it was Page Three of the Sun and Page Six of the Post that drew people in the first place, not any underlying political content. What people want on the internet is far more dynamic and unpredictable, however, and so Musk’s agenda will likely remain amorphous, frequently subordinated to the chaos that he has no hesitation in fomenting. Twitter is the centre of that chaos. If Twitter holds up (which will require more money than he currently seems willing to spend), Musk could find himself at the centre of a very influential online network that he purports to rule over and that everyone will blame him for ruling over. Really, though, Twitter will be beyond Musk’s, and anyone else’s, control.


David Auerbach is an American author and former Microsoft and Google software engineer.

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