March 4, 2025 - 4:20pm

Ever since Labour MP Kim Leadbeater introduced her private members’ bill to legalise assisted suicide in England and Wales last November, many have characterised her plans as providing for the creation of a National Death Service. This could be interpreted either as a tongue-in-cheek indictment of the National Health Service’s lamentable state, or a more sincere attempt to grapple with the moral implications of a government helping its citizens commit suicide.

Now it seems that we may not even get that. As the Times has reported, ministers are thinking about allowing the NHS to outsource assisted dying to private clinics, such is the expected uptake for state-sanctioned suicide. Among the plans considered is a scheme similar to NHS dentistry, where clinics offer “services” to both private patients and NHS patients — the only difference being that dentistry, although it sometimes feels like it, is not intended to kill you.

It was also pointed out, quite accurately, that there is nothing in Leadbeater’s bill prohibiting the private provision of assisted suicide, raising the cheerful prospect of dying in, say, a Bupa clinic.

All of this naturally provokes all sorts of interesting questions. For instance, would payment for assisted suicide be made beforehand, or could families receive a bill in the post right after learning what their loved ones have done? (There is no provision in the bill for the family to be informed before the procedure.)

On the level of policy, would it have been better had the bill been preceded by some sort of impact assessment, so that ministers don’t have to scramble to try to figure out how an overstretched NHS, which cannot even deliver actual care in many cases, is supposed to end the lives of potentially thousands of patients each year? In fairness, Health Secretary Wes Streeting did commission something of the kind, which made Labour’s grande dame Harriet Harman apoplectic — it would be bad form to figure out that assisted suicide is unworkable before Parliament voted it through.

Of course, private provision of assisted suicide and euthanasia is not unknown in other countries. In Canada, there are doctors whose main source of income comes from killing their patients; they bill the provincial government according to a fees schedule. While most Canadian doctors recoil at becoming involved in these activities, a very small minority happily specialise in it. One, Dr Ellen Wiebe, claims she has been involved in the deaths of more than 400 patients, which she describes as “very rewarding”.

Not unrelatedly, some have been accused of cutting corners, such as approving requests to die after a single telephone call — time is money, after all. Dr Wiebe herself is currently the subject of two civil lawsuits: one alleging wrongful death for a man who did not qualify for euthanasia under Canadian law, the other claiming that Wiebe “negligently approved the procedure for a patient who does not legally qualify” after one Zoom meeting.

But English doctors can rest assured. Clause 26 of the Leadbeater bill provides for a complete indemnity from civil claims for anyone involved in the assisted dying process. This means that a doctor cannot be sued, for example, for negligently assessing someone’s life expectancy, or for negligently assessing that someone has capacity to consent to assisted suicide. Indeed, if the doctor got the dosage of the drugs wrong and botched the procedure, they would be immune from civil suits as well.

Leadbeater’s camp has briefed that she intends to amend her own bill to cap profits on assisted suicide at a “reasonable” rate. One cannot put a price on life. Soon, at least, we will know the price of ending one.


Yuan Yi Zhu is an academic and writer.

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