March 12, 2025 - 7:00am

Just a few days ago, the talk on the Right was of the inevitable — indeed, imminent — collapse of the Conservatives. The lights were going out at Matthew Parker Street and Nigel Farage was moving in. But far from ousting the Tories from their headquarters, Farage is adopting a different Conservative tactic: party infighting.

The Reform UK leader’s thinly-disguised hatchet job to oust Rupert Lowe is a classic case of Tall Poppy Syndrome. As a result of the botched effort, there are now reports that Lowe may team up with a former deputy leader of Reform, who quit the party last year, to form a breakaway Right-wing faction. The proposal came from former Brexit Party MEP Ben Habib, a vocal Farage critic, who revealed he is “constantly in touch” with Lowe.

Dissatisfaction with Farage is not limited to an inner ring, either. Early this year, 12 councillors left the party en masse, describing his leadership as “autocratic”. More recently, 2,000 members left the party in protest at Lowe’s ousting, too.

While the path for any nascent Right-wing party may be difficult, Reform itself has proved it is not impossible; 2024 saw a new record for aggregate volatility among voters, which indicated the biggest change in party vote share for nearly a century. Once voters have already changed their allegiance, it becomes easier to change again. So while Farage may be on the up now, high levels of voter volatility mean this may not be the case forever.

All this raises questions about how strong a party can be when it is built around one man. That is especially the case when, despite being the most popular politician in the country, Farage is also among the most unpopular too — a phenomenon replicated even within his own party. According to a YouGov survey conducted on Sunday and Monday, 21% of Reform UK voters believe the party would perform “a lot better” without Farage, while an additional 12% think it would do “a little better”.

Farage has become a living avatar for dissatisfaction with the political consensus, but a deeply imperfect one for enacting any change to it. He is a media performer rather than a policy wonk and, although he is undoubtedly an excellent one, Reform’s current offering is remarkably thin. On immigration, what should be the party’s bread and butter, Farage has softened and clearly been outflanked by other Right-wing figures — not just by Lowe, but also Conservatives such as Robert Jenrick. Without Lowe, who alone accounted for 46% of Reform’s total parliamentary activity, Farage risks losing a valuable messenger.

If Lowe were to depart, then Reform would inevitably turn into a one-man party (if it isn’t already). In any case, the party may well die as soon as Farage decides to leave for America again. That, more than anything, could open up a space for individual talents to emerge — if they are prepared to try and outlast him.