November 25, 2024 - 4:00pm

There are few things more predictable for a new government than a crackdown on benefits. At the weekend, Labour announced its strategy to fix the problem, with promises of slashing the budget by leading thousands back to work, tackling fraud, and making it harder to languish on state support. In an opinion piece in The Mail on Sunday, Keir Starmer vowed to take a “zero-tolerance” approach to benefits cheats. That this is such a perennial government project points to its difficulty, but Labour will perhaps have its own problems squaring this approach with some of its supporters, both in Parliament and in the wider electorate.

Instinctively, many think of cutting benefits as a Tory policy. Certainly, the Conservatives are usually keen to roll them back, and austerity was marked by swingeing cuts and raising the barriers to claiming benefits. Yet the end of their time in government saw a surge in worklessness, especially among older and sicker workers after Covid-19. This has created a dilemma for Starmer’s party. The benefits bill is growing, and that is hard to square without cuts elsewhere, taxes or borrowing. It is a problem Labour needs to solve in order to relieve fiscal pressure.

Yet it is a politically difficult one for them. Public opinion on benefits is often contradictory. Voters believe that they are too easy to claim, but also that most people getting support deserve it. The top-line figure of the bill is unpopular, yet more people think that benefits are too stingy than too high. Even trickier for Labour is the political breakdown of this, with the party’s 2024 supporters largely split between wanting to relax requirements and make them more stringent.

This is a fairly obvious dynamic. In July’s general election, Labour picked up plenty of voters from the Right, who will generally be sceptical of benefits. Equally, there is a strand of Left-leaning, working-class voters who rankle at working hard for an income which seems only marginally above what others receive in handouts. They have to balance this with voters who rely on benefits and those among the Left-liberal middle classes who support an almost uncritically generous welfare state.

Many in these latter groups backed Labour precisely because they thought Starmer would be less harsh on benefits. They object not just to financial cuts but also to the barriers put in the way of benefits. The last government’s use of sanctions and work coaches, for example, seemed cruel and ripe for rolling back. These voters are not likely to be impressed by Labour playing tough on the issue. Neither are the Labour MPs who spent years arguing against hard Tory lines on benefits and those who claim them.

This all points to the tricky electoral situation Labour finds itself in. The party has to fend off the Right, including Reform UK, but must avoid bleeding votes to the Left. This summer saw politics fragment more than ever before, with Labour losing support to Green, Independent, and Left-wing challengers. Tory unpopularity meant this didn’t stop the party from forming a government, but it could be a more significant challenge at the next election. Haemorrhaging votes from the disappointed Left could split Labour in the same way that Reform challenged the Conservatives, and almost everything Starmer does has to be filtered through that lens.

Cutting the benefits bill is a goal of every government. The pressure of state finances meant it was particularly likely that this one would try to do it. Like much of Labour’s platform, ministers are juggling measures that could hit them politically with the hope it delivers results in years to come. This isn’t an easy task, and benefits could be a particularly sharp example as they try to balance the Left and Right of their own party. That’s before getting to the knottiness of a problem that previous governments have targeted, but failed to budge.


John Oxley is a corporate strategist and political commentator. His Substack is Joxley Writes.

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