February 28, 2025 - 10:50am

Ever since Fraser Nelson and Konstantin Kisin quarrelled over whether Rishi Sunak is English or not, the debate over national identity has persisted. Now former home secretary Suella Braverman has intervened, arguing that while she is British, she can’t be English because she has a distinct Asian heritage which disqualifies her. “I don’t feel English because I have no generational ties to English soil, no ancestral stories tied to the towns or villages,” she wrote in the Telegraph this week.

The funny thing is that many ethnic minorities, including those who detest Braverman’s politics, would actually agree with her basic point. In a 2018 BBC survey, 61% of people who describe themselves as white are proud to declare their English identity, whereas among ethnic minorities it is just 32%. British identity, by contrast, is held by three-quarters of ethnic minorities. So much was confirmed by the writer Samantha Asumadu last week, who argued: “The truth is that lots of black and Asian Britons don’t see ourselves as English […] only British.” She also stated that perhaps Kisin, and by extension Braverman, “stumbled on an uncomfortable and distressing truth, and [that’s] why I’m forced to agree with him. English as an ethnicity is seen as white and maybe there’s nothing wrong with that.”

Part of this discrepancy is certainly because of the legacy of racism that excluded black and Asian people from the fraternity of the nation because of their skin colour. There is a feeling among some that if they won’t claim me, why should I claim them? What’s more, it is commonly understood that Britishness has a civic quality that can be inclusive of different ethnic identities, while Englishness denotes one’s ancestry, and so is far more exclusive.

This is a reasonable perspective. Most black Britons and British Asians have a history of migration, so there is an experience of living between two cultures which white English people don’t have. When one comes across the term “English rose”, the subliminal images are more likely to be of Keira Knightley or Lily James, not of Gugu Mbatha-Raw — who despite being born and raised in England, and having English ancestry on her mother’s side, simply doesn’t “fit” because she’s mixed-race.

Additionally, contemporary Britain advertises itself as a multicultural and multi-ethnic society in which minorities can integrate into mainstream society without having to shed particular cultural practices and traditions that they wish to retain. So long as people are treated equally and not disadvantaged because of their background, is it really a problem that black and Asian Britons are not “truly” English? As Braverman notes: “it’s what living in a multi-ethnic society entails.”

The flaw in this view is that it subtly assimilates race into nationhood, thus believing Englishness really lies in the blood. Braverman writes that for “Englishness to mean something substantial, it must be rooted in ancestry, heritage, and, yes, ethnicity – not just residence or fluency”. But notice that she doesn’t mention culture, or customs, habits and manners. She erects a straw man that in “Fraser’s world, all it takes to join the tribe is a plane ticket and a birth certificate”. The point is that if you are born and raised in that “tribe” — marinated in its culture, idiosyncrasies and way of life — then your skin colour shouldn’t disqualify you from membership.

Like any nationality, Englishness isn’t a fixed substance, interwoven with the forces of nature and grounded in race. It is a great culture and civilisation that has evolved historically and has already assimilated many initial “outsiders”. And like all nations it will continue to evolve, or else it will become redundant.


Ralph Leonard is a British-Nigerian writer on international politics, religion, culture and humanism.

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