February 25, 2025 - 7:00am

British Conservatives should pay close attention to what happens in Germany over the next few years. For the dilemma facing Friedrich Merz could well await whoever leads the Tories after the next election — namely, what to do about a divided Right?

A glance at the map of the German election results illustrates the problem. In the former West Germany, Merz’s centre-right CDU — and its Bavarian sister party, the CSU — secured a very strong result; in the old German Democratic Republic, on the other hand, the AfD is ascendant. That means that, nationally, Merz secured an historically unimpressive share of the vote for the CDU: its second-poorest finish since the Forties, and fewer MPs than Angela Merkel won at any of her elections.

Now Merz is in a deeply invidious position. With the liberal FDP falling below the threshold and losing all its MPs, there is no viable majority coalition in the new Bundestag except with the shattered SPD, perhaps alongside the Greens.

Such a pact would maintain Berlin’s vaunted “firewall” against the hard-Right. But it would also risk alienating Right-wing voters whom Merz has worked hard to win back to the Christian Democrats after Merkel — and this might sound familiar to Tory supporters — used the fact she had no challenger to her Right to govern as an arch-centrist.

If Reform UK secures a significant breakthrough at the next election, Nigel Farage’s party could hurt the Conservatives in a similar fashion. While it isn’t quite as striking as AfD’s strength in the old GDR, Reform’s support is still geographically concentrated in certain places — mainly parts of the North, coastal areas, and Wales. This is very good news for any party hoping to make a breakthrough in Britain’s much less forgiving electoral system. But for the Tories, it spells trouble.

If Reform can win those areas and then dig in as the local Right-wing choice, it will shrink the Conservatives’ map, and this could hurt more than in Germany because the UK system does not reward piling up the vote in seats you win. Just like their Scottish and Welsh wipeouts in 1997, it would leave the Tories having to work harder just to stand still.

Yet the awful electoral geography of the last election doesn’t leave Kemi Badenoch, or another Tory leader, any easy options. The best way to maintain the Conservatives’ historic advantage would be preventing a Reform breakthrough, but the overwhelming majority of the seats where Nigel Farage’s party is in second place are Labour-held. On the upside, that means a Reform breakthrough need not be at the expense of the Tories’ rump caucus in Parliament; on the other, Farage’s party is well-positioned as the logical anti-Labour option in over 80 seats.

What’s more, any attempt to chase Reform risks exposing Tory MPs to other dangers. In seat terms, this is the most marginal parliament since 1945, and many are sitting on slender majorities. Across broad swathes of suburban and rural England the Liberal Democrats — and in places the Greens — pose a clear and present threat in what were once heartland seats.

Boris Johnson won the Red Wall in 2019 with a spendthrift manifesto which accelerated the alienation of parts of the Conservatives’ traditional (i.e. prosperous and Southern) base. Shoring up their support, at a time of mounting Budget pressure and rising defence spending, would preclude that sort of pitch.

And if Reform does break through? In that case, the question probably becomes simply what form of deal the parties strike — and how long the Tories need to keep losing before they make it.


Henry Hill is Deputy Editor of ConservativeHome.

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