March 12, 2025 - 10:00am

Ukraine’s readiness to accept a 30-day ceasefire is, on the face of it, a broadly positive development. After weeks of public tensions between US President Donald Trump and Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelensky, bilateral relations seem to be back on track. Zelensky will be invited to the White House and, after Kyiv proactively put together ceasefire proposals, Trump cannot criticise it for being an obstacle to peace. More practically, US military aid and intelligence sharing have been restored. This will prove a relief after the cut-offs put Ukrainian forces under severe pressure in Russia’s Kursk region, thereby risking one of Kyiv’s few bargaining chips for future negotiations.

A question mark now hovers over Ukraine’s presidential elections. This ceasefire appears to fit in with the US plan for Zelensky to face the public at the polling booth after an initial truce, the winner then negotiating permanent peace with Moscow. Whether that is still Washington’s intention remains uncertain, but the US administration was serious enough to recently hold talks with opposition figures Yulia Tymoshenko and Petro Poroshenko to assess the likelihood of an early vote.

For his part, Russian President Vladimir Putin has long pushed the narrative that postponed elections under martial law render Zelensky illegitimate, and mean he cannot sign agreements with him. Since this is a topic on which the White House and Kremlin have common ground, Putin will likely demand such a vote — no matter the associated difficulties — as a condition for full-scale peace negotiations to begin.

What of the coming days? Secretary of State Marco Rubio yesterday stressed that “the ball is now in Russia’s court”, and the US is doing all it can to ensure that Moscow duly volleys it back. Trump has indicated his intention to phone the Russian leader, his Middle East Special Envoy Steve Witkoff is reportedly visiting Putin this week, and Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova has not ruled out contact with the US administration.

While Ukrainian officials judge a less than 50% chance of Putin agreeing to the truce, it is in fact likely to be 100%. Despite Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov’s downbeat assessment that his country will not accept compromises that jeopardise lives, the Kremlin understands the propaganda value of presenting itself as a peacemaker. At stake here is a prize of infinitely greater value than a few more stretches of bombed-out land: the ear of a US president sympathetic to Moscow.

The Kremlin knows that Trump wants a quick deal to stick on his Nobel Peace Prize application form, putting it squarely in Moscow’s interest to appear to be working towards an agreement. In return for staying in Trump’s good books, Russia can hope for an end to sanctions, a much-desired reset in bilateral relations with America, and an invitation to come in from the cold of diplomatic isolation. Russia’s SVR intelligence service this morning boasted of the CIA and SVR directors agreeing to henceforth maintain regular contact. Russia is unlikely to risk upsetting the famously capricious Trump as he pulls away from Europe and Nato, lest he suddenly change course to spite Moscow for having botched “his” peace process.

Moscow will likely abide by the ceasefire, despite having violated multiple truces before. The Kremlin understands that breaking the armistice would constitute self-sabotage, with the real game to be played at the full-scale peace negotiations to follow. Moscow will then take advantage of its rapprochement with Washington to push for concessions unacceptable to Ukrainians and Europeans. Western security officials indicate that Putin will make maximalist demands on land, peacekeepers, and Ukraine’s neutrality. As the best-case scenario, he may win significant concessions, with the US using the threat of fighting without military aid and intelligence to twist Ukraine’s arm. Even in the worst-case scenario, if those demands force talks to break down, his forces are back to war having rested, restocked and regrouped.

“Prepare for the worst and hope for the best,” counselled Kremlin spokesman Dmitri Peskov before the US-Ukraine discussions. An old proverb, yet entirely fitting for current circumstances. While the truce may appear to be in Kyiv’s favour, Moscow can still hope for the best.


Bethany Elliott is a writer specialising in Russia and Eastern Europe.

BethanyAElliott