February 17, 2025 - 10:00am

In December 2023, 24 Russian soldiers based in Crimea died suddenly, while a further 11 were hospitalised. The cause of death? Vodka and sausages. The men had earlier accepted a bundle of food and alcohol from attractive, young local women who approached the Russians to thank them for “protecting” the lands they were in fact occupying. The women were actually Ukrainian partisans, the gifts laced with arsenic and strychnine.

Poisoning has been a common method for female saboteurs in the Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine. It is also a highly dangerous one, with those caught then forced into sex with Russian generals. They are only some of the many Ukrainians risking torture and execution to wage their own war against the invaders.

This shadow war is likely to ramp up should the fighting come to a diplomatic end and the territorial lines be redrawn. Volodymyr Zelensky said yesterday that his country would never accept a peace deal struck by America and Russia, without Kyiv’s involvement. Ahead of this weekend’s Munich Security Conference, the Ukrainian President proposed a territory swap with Moscow. Under this plan, Ukraine would return the Kursk region for one of the five Russian-annexed territories — Crimea, Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhzhia. While outright hostilities may end, what does it mean for the Ukrainians who will be living under Moscow’s rule? Sabotage is likely to proliferate.

Some in the resistance work in conjunction with Kyiv in organised groups; others struggle alone. Resistance can range from displaying pro-Ukraine propaganda or national colours to organising assassinations, transmitting the locations of Russian forces and damaging the railways that transport Moscow’s men and arms to the front. Others have even gone so far as to attack the Russian army from within: Ukrainian militants have repeatedly broken into enemy barracks to stab soldiers to death, while saboteurs have joined Moscow’s forces to leak information, wreck operations and disable equipment.

Interviews reveal a wide range of motivations. A commitment to Ukraine’s sovereignty and a desire to be free from oppressive life under the Russians are both common, as is a sense of their actions as righting historical wrongs committed by Moscow against Kyiv. Others rebel due to personal grudges, seeking revenge for loss of property, personal harm or sexual violence suffered under the regime.

While the clandestine nature of their activities makes it hard to ascertain the exact number of incidents, vigilantes currently show no signs of backing down from their fight. Car bombings recently claimed the lives of senior Russian military figures, a judge who collaborated with the new authorities, and the ex-head of the notorious Olenivka penal colony where Ukrainian prisoners of war were massacred in 2022. Meanwhile, members of the “Atesh” partisan group have discussed their plans to destroy the Kerch Bridge and assassinate high-ranking members of the Russian government, claiming to have members in Moscow and St Petersburg.

This month in Crimea, pro-Ukraine posters and graffiti proclaimed that locals are “waiting for the Armed Forces of Ukraine”. The difficulty is that they may be waiting some time. Even Zelensky has admitted that it is currently impossible for his army to push out Russian forces from the occupied territories by force. Instead, he has suggested that those areas be returned at an unspecified future juncture via diplomatic means.

This raises the question of what partisans will do if their territories are formally ceded to Russia in any forthcoming peace agreement. Will they be galvanised to fight harder or begrudgingly accept that their struggle is over? Dr Jade McGlynn, Research Fellow at King’s College London, has tracked resistance activities and tells me that a deal could encourage partisan activity as the sole remaining way to target Moscow. “It could demoralise some of the resistance,” she says. “But since Ukraine will never recognise its occupied territories as Russian, it may bring added opportunities to the Ukrainian resistance who will be much more the focus of attention and support without an active frontline.”

Zelensky has previously endorsed rebellion in occupied zones and the government is looking to train civilians in resisting Russian aggression. As such, even after a deal, the Ukrainian security services would likely continue covertly offering resources and information to those partisans struggling against Russian occupation in the hope of keeping Ukrainian nationalism alive and the population prepared, in case Kyiv is ever in a position to reclaim those territories.

Negotiations would, ostensibly, bring peace between Russia and Ukraine. Yet, in reality, a ceasefire could well intensify the shadow war, a battle against Moscow to be fought not by the soldier, but by the saboteur.


Bethany Elliott is a writer specialising in Russia and Eastern Europe.

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