July 12, 2024 - 7:00am

That didn’t last long. Just a week on from a general election in which Reform UK gained over 14% of the vote and five MPs, the insurgent party has already degenerated into disunity, division and dispute.

Ben Habib yesterday announced on social media: “I have just been informed by Nigel Farage that Richard Tice is taking over as Deputy Leader of the party. Consequently I no longer hold that position. I am considering my position more generally in light of this change”. He added, ominously: “I will reflect on all of this.”

This is not the first sign of Reform’s members suffering from both differences of opinion and an inability to keep them out of the public eye. Back in February, after Lee Anderson’s controversial comments about “Islamists” controlling London Mayor Sadiq Khan, Tice — who was then Reform’s leader — remained content to welcome the former Tory into the party and said that “Lee speaks for millions of people who are appalled by what is happening to our country.”

By contrast, Habib commented that he would be “quite circumspect” about the prospect of Anderson joining. More recently, Habib was forced to insist that the party did indeed support Traditional Unionist Voice, despite Farage endorsing rival election candidates in the Democratic Unionist Party.

Besides demonstrating fault lines within the party, Habib’s defenestration testifies to another issue besetting Reform. A party whose electoral fortunes only took off after Farage returned as leader and which has been built around the cult of its charismatic frontman is, unsurprisingly, dependent upon his whims and caprices. That is before one turns to Reform’s management structure — registered as a limited company, Farage is the only “person with significant control” listed.

This “significant control” has translated into Farage’s management style. He ousted Tice as leader based upon as much contemplation as a day of pub-drinking, dog-walking and fishing would permit. Reportedly, he did not even inform Tice until hours before the public announcement, having excluded him from an earlier meeting of top advisors. Farage was notably defensive about the power grab, demanding of one journalist: “Do you think he’s been bullied or strong-armed or something?” No wonder Habib’s statement included his “long held concerns about the control of the party and the decision-making processes” within it.

As a man who naturally gravitates towards the media spotlight for his own nourishment and survival in much the same way as a plant does sunshine, this situation is likely to be a source of considerable embarrassment to Farage. For one thing, his own party has publicly slipped into squabbles days after he rejected Conservative MP Edward Leigh’s suggestion of accepting Reform into the Tory fold, on the grounds that the Conservatives “hate each other” and so “won’t provide a decent opposition”. Farage confidently predicted that “while they are busy fighting with themselves we are going to do our own thing; restructure, reorganise, professionalise, democratise and get ready for the next election”.

For all his protestations, Farage specifically ruled out a Conservative-Reform merger “for now”. Only a month ago, he indicated his willingness to lead an amalgamated party — presumably once the Tories rise to his lofty standards. Although polling suggests that nearly half of grassroots Conservative members would support such a move, that figure is likely to fall unless Farage can get his house in order and prove Reform does not represent merely a different flavour of Right-wing psychodrama.

Underlying this bickering is, ironically, the ongoing process of “professionalising” the party, as Farage strives to turn five MPs into a “mass national movement” capable of potentially catapulting him into No. 10 in 2029. Habib and fellow co-deputy David Bull were just collateral damage following internal reorganisation, out in the cold after failing to win seats. Tice now plans to establish branches of Reform nationwide, but a higher priority should be resolving such internal ruptures before the party grows further and establishing decision-making processes beyond how Farage feels from one day to the next. Pre-election, the arch-Brexiteer pledged to put the party under “much stricter control”. That may be his biggest problem.


Bethany Elliott is a writer specialising in Russia and Eastern Europe.

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