Former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg has found himself in an unexpected place in recent days: the bro podcast circuit.

It was surprising that Buttigieg, a mainstream Democrat, chose to appear on the Flagrant podcast, hosted by Andrew Schulz and Akaash Singh, two comedians known for their impolitic jokes and male-oriented humour.

Even more surprising was that Buttigieg, sporting a new beard, performed very well. He calmly walked the hosts through the Democratic case against Donald Trump and his own party’s policies, with the two hosts nodding along in agreement.

In one clip that went viral, Buttigieg made the case that public investments from the government are necessary for a successful economy. He cited, for instance, early government funding for what later became the internet. “Public parks are another version of this, and stuff like that. You can’t privatise the public park,” Schulz responded, agreeing with him. A few seconds later, he reflected: “God, we’re turning into such libs already!”

It shouldn’t have been a revelation that Buttigieg is capable of talking to people across the political spectrum. It’s a skill he has demonstrated since he first ran for the Democratic nomination for president in 2020. During his campaign and later as Transport Secretary for the Biden administration, he became a regular on Fox News, forcefully making the case for his agenda on territory his party often avoids.

Buttigieg’s communication skills are far better than those of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. But is that enough for the former South Bend, Indiana mayor to mount another bid for the White House? It’s an open secret that Buttigieg remains politically ambitious, passing on contesting a Michigan Senate seat in favour of a potential run in 2028. His first tilt at the White House saw him outperform most of the crowded field — and with greater name recognition, he may be well placed for the next election.

Yet the Democrat failed one key test during his first run for president that would foreshadow difficulties for a second. While he performed well among college-educated white voters in early primary and caucus states, he could not sustain momentum because he lacked deep support among minority communities — especially southern African Americans — who make up the backbone of Super Tuesday primary states.

Then there is the class divide. The biggest gulf in American politics today is around college education, with Democrats increasingly becoming the party of those with degrees and the Republicans becoming the party of those without them. Buttigieg could be easily painted as a McKinsey elitist, out of touch with the working-class voters drifting further away from the Democrats. And as the party continues to narrow its advantage among minority voters, it will probably take more than the charm of an intelligent communicator to get them back.

There’s also the question of how Buttigieg will approach social and cultural issues. He was the butt of many Republican jokes about his purported wokeness during the early 2020s, which will not be easy to shake off. What Buttigieg has to prove is that he can break out among working-class and minority voters. Doing that will mean more than regaling Fox News hosts or bro podcasters. It will require connecting with audiences at historically black churches and union halls, Waffle Houses and auto shops.

The great divide in America between people who are college-educated news addicts and those who are too busy working for a living to pay attention to the headlines will be difficult for any candidate to bridge. But in order to really prove that he can heal the problems that ail the Democrats, Buttigieg has to prove that he can reach the people who’ve tuned out of the news altogether.

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Zaid Jilani is a journalist who has worked for UC Berkeley’s Greater Good Science Center, The Intercept, and the Center for American Progress.

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