November 9, 2024 - 5:00pm

Donald Trump in 2024 is going to be very different from the version who won eight years ago. The US President-elect will now be on firmer footing than in 2016 because he won the popular vote as well as the electoral college. Crucial to this were his gains with swathes of America’s working class, in particular those without college degrees.

The post-mortem for the Democrats is now underway as to how they lost so many of what they consider “their people”. Bernie Sanders, whose Left-populist insurgency in 2016 was as much a manifestation of popular discontent with the domestic and foreign policy consensus as Trump’s, was clear. “It should come as no great surprise that a Democratic Party which has abandoned working class people would find that the working class has abandoned them,” he wrote following Kamala Harris’s defeat. “First, it was the white working class, and now it is Latino and Black workers as well.”

Some liberal centrists are now willing to concede that perhaps a stagnant elitist Democratic Party needed Sanders to shake it into action, rather than sidelining him. For instance, David Brooks of The New York Times confessed this week that “maybe the Democrats have to embrace a Bernie Sanders-style disruption — something that will make people like me uncomfortable.”

The argument now is whether the Democrats should “move Left”. They have to win working-class votes somehow, and that may well require a reformist economic agenda which is “populist” and aims for working-class prosperity. They could champion an industrial strategy that creates new employment, a jobs guarantee, rent and price controls, investment in public transit and infrastructure, or tax cuts for the working class. Yet this would entail a fundamental recalibration of the party’s ideology, away from progressive neoliberalism.

One possibility is that Democrats will instead triangulate to the Right — especially on immigration, crime and transgender rights — in order to compete with Trump on his own terrain, similar to Bill Clinton’s strategy during his 1992 campaign when he ran to the Right of George H. W. Bush in “getting tough” on crime. This is the scenario most likely to come about, given that the Democrats have been successfully tarred by the Republicans as the party of open borders, defunding the police, and radical gender ideology — even though this wasn’t the reality of Harris’s platform. And so party leaders feel they have to pivot to shake off those accusations.

Sanders’s rise was notable because he seemed to represent a resurgence of an old-school Leftism focused on class and the iniquities of capitalism, in contrast to the identity politics and cultural preoccupations that have tainted the Democrats in recent years. Perhaps Harris’s defeat will provide an opportunity for this Leftism to develop. That would require the arduous task of building up civic-social institutions, such as trade unions and civic clubs, that have been worn away by social atomisation, so that working-class people can organise and maximise solidarity.

Yet, because of the failure of the Sanders insurgency to take over the Democratic Party, and the fractures within the party over the Gaza war, this Leftism will likely develop outside of the party rather than within it. Bernie’s moment is long gone, and a new generation has to rise to the task. But “the Squad” of Alexandria Ocasio Cortez et al. don’t have the cache to attract the wide-ranging parts of the electorate that Sanders has. Their progressivism is noticeably distinct from Sanders’s Leftism, and is closer to a hardcore version of the “woke” ideology prominent within the party — which was rejected in favour of Trump. Whether this opportunity can be seized productively by a younger generation in a different direction is still an open question.

One doesn’t have to agree with all of Sanders’s politics to understand that the Democrats could learn certain things from him. And they shouldn’t have been so quick to write off a strategy and style that was actually succeeding in enticing many people who wouldn’t ordinarily give their party the time of day.


Ralph Leonard is a British-Nigerian writer on international politics, religion, culture and humanism.

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