July 5, 2024 - 7:30am

Westminster politics has some of the highest barriers to entry of any marketplace in the world. To get elected you need a broadcast media profile, but you tend to get that on the basis of having done well in the previous two electoral cycles. On top of this, the first-past-the-post electoral system means that only the market leader in any constituency gets any reward at all. And the established big two parties have huge advantages when it comes to name recognition, constituency data and activist networks.

So for a political start-up that had struggled to get double-digit vote shares in Parliamentary by-elections to end up winning four seats at a general election, as well as securing a nationwide vote share in the mid-teens and hundreds of second places, is a stupendous achievement.

For this, Reform UK largely has Nigel Farage to thank. His fame and social media following solved the profile problem, while his political nous and flair for communication galvanised support.

That all this was done within a single month and for a party that had almost zero funding, no activist base, a tiny headquarters staff and was taken by surprise by the election timing — another rule which favours the chief incumbent — makes the feat even more astonishing.

Nobody should be tempted to believe that Reform ought to be disappointed that exit poll predictions of it scoring 13 seats did not come to pass either. For a start, the quartet of candidates it did get elected — Lee Anderson, Richard Tice and Rupert Lowe alongside Farage in Clacton — all have experience of elected office. Anderson was formerly a Tory MP, while Tice and Lowe, like Farage, are ex-MEPs. All are good media performers too. The same can almost certainly not be said for many of the nine further potential Reform parliamentarians who did not in the end make the cut.

The fact that Reform was the clear runner-up in dozens of Red Wall seats won by Labour also leaves it poised to profit as soon as Keir Starmer’s party becomes unpopular in power. And let’s face it: the Labour honeymoon is likely to be brief given all the grisly problems in the in-tray.

A badly depleted Conservative Party must meanwhile soon decide whether to cover its Right flank and attempt to be competitive in seats that will probably be a Reform vs Labour fight next time anyway. The alternative for the Tories is to tack even further towards the centre so as to maximise the chances of winning back seats lost to the Liberal Democrats across the prosperous Home Counties commuter belt where Reform is far weaker. Doing both these things simultaneously would involve taking contradictory stances in different seats on issues such as immigration, and therefore appears to be beyond them.

In short, Farage’s campaign has changed the game long-term. The deprived East Coast resort towns of Clacton, Great Yarmouth and Skegness and the old mining seat of Ashfield are all resolutely socially conservative and full of older voters. There is every reason to think Farage and his colleagues have already created a brand that can hold onto them and spread to similar places too. In the years ahead, that is going to be as much of a problem for Starmer as for whichever returning Tory takes over from Rishi Sunak at their party’s helm.


Patrick O’Flynn is a former MEP and political editor of the Daily Express.

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