July 19, 2024 - 10:00am

Keir Starmer used the opening of the European Political Community summit yesterday to “reset” Britain’s relationship with Europe. Speaking at Blenheim Palace, the new Prime Minister committed to remaining within the ECHR and invoked Winston Churchill to stress the urgency of European defence. But Labour’s foreign policy priorities, perhaps naturally given how early in the term it is, are not yet wholly clear.

Earlier this week, the King’s Speech gave the country an insight into how Labour plans to govern, with defence one its main points of focus. Starmer and Defence Secretary John Healey announced a “root and branch review” of the British Armed Forces. Chaired by George Robertson — a former defence secretary who modernised the British Army in the late Nineties, and ex-secretary general of Nato — the review will consider the scope of threats facing the UK and its capabilities and priorities in “a new era for Britain” and a “new era for defence”. Starmer stipulated that the review would help ensure “our hollowed-out armed forces are bolstered” and have “the capabilities needed to ensure the UK’s resilience for the long term”.

Labour trailed its intention to launch a defence review through its time in Opposition. The party argued that the Conservatives’ vision of Global Britain was detached from a realistic understanding of threat and capacity. Healey has now fashioned it into a review led by the Ministry of Defence, focusing on Britain’s priorities and capabilities.

Labour’s internal debates about international affairs will be revealed in time. In Opposition, the party was rarely divided over foreign policy — apart from issues surrounding Israel and Gaza. The realities of Government are very different, though, and it is Labour’s turn to grapple with Britain’s contending strategic priorities.

Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Labour has grounded its credibility on defence in unequivocal support for Kyiv. The war in Ukraine synchronises Labour’s wish to settle Britain’s relations with Europe, as was clear at the EPC yesterday, and its belief that Russia is the foremost threat to British security. From its launch, Labour charged the original Integrated Review with underplaying the European dimension of British foreign policy. The invasion of Ukraine appeared to validate that criticism, as evidenced by Liz Truss ordering an update to the document during her brief tenure as PM.

But Labour’s foreign policy has to square Russia’s place as the primary military threat to Britain and its European partners with the long-term, systemic change brought by China. Healey has consistently emphasised the trade-off in British defence policy between Europe and Asia. “There needs to be a realism about military commitments into the Indo-Pacific,” he told Politico in March last year. “Our armed forces are ill-served by leaders who pretend that Britain can do everything, everywhere.”

As a future-facing party, however, many younger figures in Labour see China looming as the primary economic, political and military threat to the international order. The party’s ambitions for a green transition and industrial renewal, they argue, can only be planned alongside an awareness of China’s economic prowess. David Lammy, whose “progressive realism” aims to be the guiding doctrine of Labour abroad, promised an “audit” of the UK’s relationship with China when he was Shadow Foreign Secretary. Meanwhile, new MPs, activist groups and think tanks — such as Hong Kong Watch and the China Strategic Risk Institute — intend to pressure the Government to recognise China’s hostility.

There will invariably be difficult debates about how Britain should balance the threats posed by Russia and China, and there is no shortage of different opinions. For those who cite Russia, rebuilding Britain’s armed forces, ammunition stocks and military-industrial base will be imperative. Advocates of prioritising China argue for a more fundamental reworking of the British economy to withdraw it from dependency on a potentially hostile power. What’s more, how Britain places its limited military and diplomatic resources — and alongside which international partners it does so — are large questions the Labour Party has not yet addressed.

Underlying Labour’s election campaign was a desperate caution about how much it could actually do within a tight economic framework. The party knew the difficult decisions were coming, and now it has to make them.


Angus Reilly is Assistant Editor at Engelsberg Ideas. He is writing a book about Henry Kissinger in the Second World War and a biography of David Owen.

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