July 23, 2024 - 1:00pm

Back in January, the Scottish government announced a consultation on draft legislation banning “conversion practices”. That is, attempts to change someone’s sexual orientation or gender identity, or their self-perception of their sexual orientation or gender identity. The initial response was mixed, with some praising this as a vital protection for LGBT people and others decrying it as an unnecessary intervention into a fraught space that may criminalise careful therapy for gender-distressed patients or land parents in prison for up to seven years.

As the months have gone on, particularly in light of the publication of the Cass Review in April, it has become increasingly clear that a careful, nuanced approach to this topic is essential.

This week it has been reported that Scotland’s First Minister John Swinney is poised to scrap the SNP proposal and work to support Labour’s legislation, announced in last week’s King’s Speech. This represents an opportunity to pull back from what has been described as an “extreme” approach and begin anew in cooperation with Keir Starmer’s ministry, conveniently shifting the bulk of the responsibility for getting the balance right away from the Scottish government.

Some parts of the SNP proposal weren’t controversial at all — in particular, the introduction of a requirement on courts to account for when an existing crime such as assault is motivated by an attempt to change or suppress a person’s sexual orientation or gender identity. An attempt to “correctively rape” a lesbian is a crime, but only on account of the rape rather than the attempt to “correct” her homosexuality. Allowing for harsher sentences in cases such as this would be supported by plenty of Britons.

The problem is that the SNP proposals went much further, including the introduction of two new criminal offences of causing physical or psychological harm — including distress — with the intention of changing someone’s sexual orientation or gender identity. These offences could come about either during the provision of services such as talking therapy or as part of a pattern of coercive behaviour. While there were some exceptions for sexual orientation in the context of a gender clinic, the same exception did not apply for gender identity.

It seems that the Scottish government was aware that an affirmative approach to gender identity could be classed as an attempt to change sexual orientation in some contexts. For example, vulnerable children struggling with both sexual orientation and gender identity may have internalised homophobia and therefore would prefer to be a straight boy rather than a lesbian girl. This has led to some staff in gender clinics commenting that at times gender identity affirmation “feels like conversion therapy for gay children”.

The SNP proposal had an explicit exemption to permit attempts to change sexual orientation in a gender clinic while making it a criminal offence to attempt to change actual or perceived gender identity. This was likely to create a chilling effect that would have made a cautious approach to dealing with gender distress more difficult, notwithstanding a general defence of reasonableness. The issue here is not the risk that a clinician would end up in prison, although that possibility remains, but rather the impact that this sword of Damocles could have on how those working with gender-distressed children.

Scrapping this proposed legislation shifts the onus onto the Labour government to work out these thorny details, if that is possible at all. That will occur against the backdrop of the Cass Review, which recommended caution when dealing with childhood expression of gender incongruence and recommended psychological enquiry into the source of the distress rather than automatic affirmation. Any policy from Starmer’s party will no doubt be shaped by these findings.

Does this signal a new era of cooperation between Holyrood and Westminster? Maybe. But the decision to work together on this issue seems to stem more from Swinney identifying an opportunity to jettison extremely controversial proposals from his predecessor as leader, Humza Yousaf. Though these suggestions were floated only a few months ago, they have already been overtaken by events — and now pose more of a threat to a fragile SNP than just about anything else.


Michael Foran is a Lecturer in Public Law at the University of Glasgow

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