July 11, 2024 - 4:00pm

Having served less than a week in office, new Prime Minister Keir Starmer has signalled that he won’t be making any significant policy changes with regards to Russia’s war on Ukraine. He did so by announcing in Washington this week that he will continue his predecessor Rishi Sunak’s policy of allowing Ukraine to use British-provided weapons against military targets inside Russia; particularly pertinent here are the UK’s Storm Shadow cruise missiles.

Thanks to Storm Shadow’s range of over 150 miles, Ukraine has used these highly accurate missiles to evade Russian air defences and cause significant damage to key Russian military positions in the midst of Moscow’s effort to encircle Ukraine’s northeastern bastion city of Kharkiv. Storm Shadow allows Ukraine to force Russia to choose between moving its best military assets away from the Ukrainian border or risk losing them to surprise Ukrainian attack.

Starmer’s decision comes with certain risks. The UK’s Joint Intelligence Committee will, for example, have briefed the Prime Minister on Russia’s broadening brinkmanship strategy against the West.

Responding to what the Kremlin regards as unacceptably aggressive support for Ukraine, Russian intelligence services are stepping up their reprisal attacks. These have included arson attacks on factories in the UK and Germany, and similar sabotage plots against US military bases in Europe. Through his own rhetoric and nuclear exercises, Vladimir Putin is also offering hyperbolic threats relating to nuclear war and undefined escalation. The key balancing consideration here thus centres on Starmer’s assessment of whether Putin is serious about his dangled threat of nuclear holocaust, or whether he is performing mostly for political effect.

Regardless, Putin and his inner circle are no idiots. They recognise that for all the pomp and circumstance of Nato’s Washington summit, the alliance does not constitute a uniformed bloc of opinion. States such as Germany, Belgium and Spain obsess that taking certain actions to support Ukraine might lead to catastrophic Russian retaliation.

Yet these assessments are misplaced. Ultimately, the superiority of Nato’s conventional and nuclear strategic force structure means that Putin cannot and will not attempt a direct confrontation with the alliance. To do so would invite China’s abandonment of Russia — thanks to Beijing’s fear of losing EU trade relations — and regime-endangering military defeat.

What Putin can do, however, is dangle the perception of his uncertain rationality alongside his increasingly emotive frustration. Put simply, the Russian President wants Starmer, Joe Biden and other Nato leaders to believe that he is willing to tolerate ever-growing escalation in order to extract reduced Western support for Ukraine. This concern underlines the growing threat to US drones operating over the Black Sea.

Ultimately, Russia remains highly unlikely to enjoin war with Nato. But Putin’s fury will only grow as Nato continues to provide greater support to Ukraine.


Tom Rogan is a national security writer at the Washington Examiner

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