February 10, 2025 - 11:50am

Last week the Bank of England cut the base rate of interest to 4.5%. Initially, that might appear to be good news: a lower interest rate should stimulate consumer demand, while reducing the costs of borrowing for business. Given energy costs remain high, and a rise in the minimum wage in April will be attended by an increase to employer National Insurance contributions, it should offer relief to struggling firms across Britain.

Interest rates can make or break governments. A major factor behind the scale of Conservative defeat last July was the continued inability to bring inflation down quickly, thereby ruling out interest rate cuts. If you want to understand how the Tories grew their vote in every election for a decade after 2009, near-0% interest rates are a good place to start.

But that rare bright spot amid a sea of January gloom was accompanied by something far more important. Interest rates have not been reduced as a result of inflation heading towards the BoE target of 2%, but because Britain could be in line for another recession — its third in five years.

The Bank of England prognostications aren’t good. Last week the central bank halved projected growth for 2025 from 1.5% to 0.75% — with a contraction for the final quarter of last year and an increase of just 0.1% for the first quarter of this year. What’s more, the BoE expects inflation to now edge up to 3.7% as a result of higher energy prices.

Britain probably sailed closer to an emergency Budget in January than we realise. What decisively ruled that out was news that inflation had fallen to 2.5%. That created the space for the Bank of England to reduce rates and — hopefully — stimulate growth. Had the mid-January inflation call been substantially higher, Rachel Reeves would have had to announce more cuts, or taxes, or both. There was a reason the Chancellor, throughout the first half of January, repeatedly said the Government would stick to its fiscal rules: it was a signal to the markets.

The spectre of recession was first visible last autumn. It started with falling business confidence, primarily the result of Reeves’s and Keir Starmer’s constant miserabilism about the UK. Then, in December, it was announced that employee headcount, with the exception of the pandemic, was being cut at the fastest rate since 2009. Also that month, the Lloyds tracker reported how economic output had contracted in 11 of the 14 sectors it monitors.

Then, in January, Alan Taylor, an external member of the BoE’s Monetary Policy Committee, gave a speech about how the UK would need to fast-track five or six interest rate cuts this year. The subtext was that without a decisive intervention in monetary policy, the British economy would fall into recession. Weeks later the CBI reported that most private sector companies expect their output to fall between January and April. That is before changes to National Insurance contributions. It’s no surprise, then, that we’ve seen a rapid shift in support of a cut to rates as a stimulus to growth.

What happens next? For one thing, it’s easier than ever to identify Labour as the party of national and global capital over local capital, something which likely benefits upstart Reform UK. Emblematic here are changes to business rates which could wipe out as many as 9000 pubs. To the likes of Reeves and Starmer, these are merely figures on a spreadsheet, or at least that is the impression they give. Labour finds itself in a bind, having promised not to increase income and corporation taxes, while also dealing with a disintegrating public realm and spiralling costs to service the public debt. Reeves needed to find the cash, but changes to employers’ NI was the wrong way to do it.

As an alternative, Labour could wage war on rent-seeking and profiteering in the public sector, a popular message beyond just the Left. The outsourcing of children’s and elderly care, as well as the likes of street cleaning and water, have led to worse outcomes, higher bills and penniless local authorities. Yet rather than take on those special interests, once it entered office Labour revealed its allegiance to BlackRock and other financial organisations driving such parasitism.

Labour’s problems are multiform: a poor inheritance, a dysfunctional state, and no visible growth model. While much of that isn’t the party’s fault, a turnaround requires a critique of where the country has gone wrong for 40 years. That appears unlikely to happen, not least because for the Blairites it would require some serious self-reflection.


Aaron Bastani is the co-founder of Novara Media, and the author of Fully Automated Luxury Communism. 

AaronBastani