February 23, 2025 - 1:00pm

Nearly a month into Donald Trump’s second term as president, Democrats are still scrambling to find a common message. Insofar as the party is forming a plan to counter Trump over the next two to four years, it seems to mostly be a rerun of his first term, when they spent an inordinate amount of time trying to convince America that Trump was a “threat to democracy.” As Jamie Raskin, a prominent House Democrat who served on the second Trump impeachment committee, has offered: “we have to work on a short-term, daily basis to defeat and block every authoritarian, fascistic move against the rights of the people, against the separation of powers, against legislative supremacy to be the lawmaking power.”

However, this was the same case that Kamala Harris made against Trump during the last campaign — a case that ultimately fell on deaf ears. Of course, part of being the loyal opposition in Congress is countering abuses of power and overreach by the executive branch where they exist. But the opposition also needs a clear vision for how it intends to speak for Americans, including those who didn’t vote for them in the last election, if they hope to find their way out of the political wilderness and eventually win back voters who have rejected them in the past.

Trump has already taken several steps in the early running that could pose risks to many middle- and working-class Americans, offering Democrats an opening to speak up for them. One obvious example of this relates to the top issue in last year’s campaign: inflation. Of the 68 executive orders that Trump has already issued, just three even mention inflation, and none appear to be designed with a specific focus on combatting it. Moreover, both his liberal use of tariffs and proposed second round of tax cuts risk exacerbating inflation even more. Trump has even openly admitted that Americans may experience some economic “pain” as a result of his tariffs.

All this comes at a bad time for the US economy: inflation unexpectedly rose in January, and people are starting to see it hit their real lives again, including at the gas pump and grocery store (virtually everyone has seen the skyrocketing price of eggs by now). Voters haven’t yet given Trump dour marks for his handling of the economy, but they’re not thrilled with it so far, either. A recent Echelon Insights poll showed that nearly half of all Americans (45%) think the current economic situation in the US is getting worse, while Trump is underwater with all-important independents in another YouGov poll over his handling of inflation.

Most political analysts agree that a primary reason Trump won last year was because voters were sick of inflation. In fact, voters cited it as the top issue facing the country. If the new president is failing to follow through on his campaign promise to lower the cost of living for average Americans, Democrats would be right to call him out for it. They would be wise to also develop their own economic plan for helping people facing economic hardship to present a contrast with Trump.

Another area where they could confront him is over the unaccountability of DOGE and the risks that the actions of Elon Musk’s team pose to ordinary people. While some of Trump’s voters are getting exactly what they hoped for, many are not. Musk’s team has not only taken aim at programs like USAID, whose focus is beyond America’s borders. They also have their sights set on domestic programmes that many working-class families — including many who voted for the president — rely on, such as aid for healthcare, food, and housing. He has additionally tried to shutter the consumer-protection watchdog created in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis, an institution that has notably come after Big Tech in the past and had plans to investigate Musk’s X.

DOGE risks losing popularity. Less than one-quarter of Americans think that Elon Musk and his programme should have “a lot” of influence over government operations and spending, and even many conservatives who have long supported cutting the size of government have expressed reservations about the haphazard manner in which Musk is approaching it. While it likely isn’t in the Democrats’ interest to defend every single institution or programme that comes under fire, they would be wise to highlight those that are popular and have the most direct impact on Americans’ daily lives.

Democrats should also make a point of working with Trump where it makes sense. A repeat of his first term, when the vast majority of the party voted against him on a routine basis, likely won’t work out well. In the early running, they seem to be doing the same. Though post-election polling has shown that voters — especially swing voters — disagree with Democrats’ positions on immigration and gender issues, many of the party’s members refused to take the opportunity to side with the public on some key early votes.

It may be a long four years for Democrats, especially right now, when they find themselves completely locked out of power in Washington. There are nonetheless steps they can take to make themselves relevant now, work on behalf of the country, and set themselves up for success in next year’s midterms and beyond. But this will require a deliberate and thoughtful strategy, not a reactionary repeat of how they did things in Trump’s first term.


Michael Baharaeen is chief political analyst at The Liberal Patriot substack.

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