January 19, 2025 - 6:30pm

Today marks the eve of Donald Trump’s second inauguration. His election victory in November sparked a cultural shift, plunging the American Left into an identity crisis. “Now is the time of monsters,” New York Times opinion columnist Ezra Klein wrote last week, quoting Gramsci. Referring to Trump’s return to office, as well as the AI boom, climate change, and falling global fertility rates, he added: “To look at any of these stories in isolation is to miss what they collectively represent: the unsteady, unpredictable emergence of a different world.”

Klein’s column presents a contradiction within the broader Left-wing zeitgeist. Progressives widely acknowledge that in practice — in terms of their ability to solve problems, influence institutions and win elections — Democrats have lost ground. But in theory, according to this school of thought, the party remains in the moral right on every issue.

Enter Curtis Yarvin, a monarchist, political theorist, and influencer of the Online Right. As the New York Times interview with him published this weekend puts it, “while Yarvin himself may still be obscure, his ideas are not.” The thinker’s conversation with the NYT’s David Marchese is in fact a masterclass in a very specific kind of persuasion: disenchantment.

When asked who he considers “enlightened” by his political theory, Yarvin replies: “Fully enlightened for me means fully disenchanted. When a person who lives within the progressive bubble of the current year looks at the Right or even the new Right, what’s hardest to see is that what’s really shared is not a positive belief but an absence of belief.” If support for Trump is any sign, significant fractions of the tech industry, online media, and cultural influencers are increasingly “fully disenchanted”.

Yarvin challenges the political and historical myths of the Left from a sympathetic lens. He treads across progressive moral taboos with help from Marchese, who brings up some of the writer’s most contentious past blog posts about white nationalism and race. One of Yarvin’s more controversial beliefs is that the US should be ruled by monarchy — a single individual with absolute power — rather than democracy or oligarchy.

The reason Yarvin cites for preferring this system is that “having an effective government and an efficient government is better for people’s lives.” He believes that the government can only be as productive as a private company by becoming governed like a private company, citing Apple as an example of a “monarchy” under his definition. This idea comes at a time when a cottage industry of Left-wing think tanks, journalists, and policymakers has formed around the concept of “state capacity” — creating a system that can execute on large government projects.

As the interview progresses, Marchese makes increasingly emotional outbursts about the aforementioned taboos: “I can’t believe I’m saying this”, “I can’t believe I’m arguing this”, “You call it cartoonish, I call it very morally clear.” Gaetano Mosca, an Italian political theorist often quoted by Yarvin, argues that these unquestioned statements are used to reinforce elite power. Mosca defines a “political formula” as “abstract principles through which the political elite justifies its own power, building around it a moral and legal structure”. Rather than being evidenced factual claims, these are slogans chanted to show power and obedience to power.

While the liberal-Left contingent long dominant within the Democratic Party has become largely disenchanted by these slogans, it remains invested in the political system which gave rise to them. Towards the end of the interview, Marchese expresses that he is unconvinced “why blowing up democracy, rather than trying to make it better, would somehow lead to better lives for people who are struggling the most”. Yarvin, for his part, argues that “people equate democracy with good government”, an error which weds them to the failing system in place.

After November’s defeat, Democrats must choose one of two desires: the desire to repeat the moral shibboleths of the 2010s, or the desire to win. If they choose the former, they will continue to lose ground in public opinion, government, and cultural institutions. If they choose the latter, they might have to consider Yarvin’s perspective in order to rebuild state capacity. The Democrats’ road back to power, and towards understanding what went wrong before, will require a reckoning with disenchantment.


Brian Chau is a mathematician, software engineer, and independent writer at cactus.substack.com.

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