February 14, 2025 - 3:10pm

The latest policy announcement from Reform UK is an incoherent mess. On the promise of lower energy bills for householders, the specifics include a pledge to impose taxes on subsidies for renewable power (why not just cut the subsidies?), and to force the National Grid to put electricity cables underground (which would put up our bills, because burying power lines is much more expensive than building pylons). To top it all off, the party wants to ban battery energy storage systems — a strategically important technology that competitor countries are developing on a massive scale.

If Reform were still a fringe party, its unserious policies wouldn’t matter. But as the latest election model from JL Partners shows, the Faragistes are now up there with Labour and the Conservatives as a major party that could win over a hundred seats at the next general election. An MRP model from Electoral Calculus and PLMR shows Reform doing even better and vying for first place with the Tories.

With all three parties well short of a majority on current trends, it’s assumed that we’d either get a Labour-led coalition of various centre-Left parties, or, if they have enough MPs between them, a Tory-Reform coalition of the Right.

But there’s a third possibility that’s not receiving nearly enough attention — and that’s a German-style “grand coalition” of Labour and the Conservatives.

For the moment, the very idea is taboo. The reds and blues haven’t teamed up in peacetime since 1931. That was when Ramsay MacDonald, the sitting Labour prime minister, led a small group of Labour MPs into coalition with the Conservatives and Liberals. He and his colleagues were expelled from the Labour Party and have been regarded as traitors ever since.

Would any Labour leader today risk such a fate? It depends on the choice available. In the wake of the Wall Street Crash of 1929, the decision concerned whether to implement spending cuts or go into Opposition — and Labour MPs overwhelmingly preferred the latter. A hundred years later, the dilemma could be a very different one. If at the next election Reform UK wins the largest number of seats, but not a majority, then Labour would need to choose between coalition with the Tories or allowing Nigel Farage to become prime minister with Tory help. The party might just opt for the lesser of two evils.

Of course, the Tories would have to agree to cooperate with Labour — so why would they do that in preference to a deal with Reform?

The main reason is that the Tories would need a coalition partner with the basic ability to govern. For instance, there are over a hundred ministerial positions in the UK Government — so how many of those would Farage demand for his MPs? More to the point, who on earth would he nominate? Given Reform’s current strength in the Commons (just five MPs), most of his potential ministers would have no experience of Parliament, let alone government.

And then there’s the matter of policy, because a coalition government needs to agree on a joint programme. For all their ideological differences, Keir Starmer and Kemi Badenoch do share some basic assumptions about how this country should be governed. For instance, a first-past-the-post electoral system, the need for a fiscal policy that doesn’t scare the markets, unquestioning support for Nato, belief in the scientific consensus on climate change, and accepting the fundamentals of the 2020 Brexit deal. If by the next election Reform UK insists on a programme of proportional representation, unfunded tax cuts, more realist foreign policy, unrestricted carbon emissions and restarting from square one on Brexit, it might be easier for the Tories to compromise with Labour than with Farage.

Opponents of Britain’s political system sometimes dismiss the mainstream parties as the “uniparty”, supposedly at daggers drawn but actually part of the same team: two cheeks of the same behind, if you will. If Farage isn’t careful, he might find out the hard way just how much truth lies behind the insult.


Peter Franklin is Associate Editor of UnHerd. He was previously a policy advisor and speechwriter on environmental and social issues.

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